Home / Our children/ Reforms of Alexander 1 1815 1825. “Great Reforms” of Alexander II

Reforms of Alexander 1 1815 1825. “Great Reforms” of Alexander II

Date____________

Lesson 6. Domestic policy of Alexander I in 1815-1825.

Target: show and explain the inconsistency of the internal political course

Alexander I in the post-war years.

Basic concepts: constitution; personal integrity; civilian

freedom; independence; independence; autonomy; mysticism; Jesuits.

Main dates: 1815 - adoption of the Polish constitution; 1820 - project

Novosiltsev’s “Charter of Charter”; 1822 - prohibition of secret activities

organizations.

Personalities: Alexander I; .

Equipment: textbook: , Kosulina Russia. XIX

century - M., 2000; , Kosulina's notebook for the textbook

“History of Russia. XIX century".

Plan

1. Changes in domestic policy.

2. Polish Constitution.

3. Reform project.

4. Refusal to carry out reforms

in the early 20s XIX century

5. The main results of the internal policy of Alexander I.

Lesson progress

I. Organizational moment

II. Checking homework

III. Learning a new topic

IV. Reinforcing the material learned

V. Summing up

III. Learning a new topic

Introductory word.

Question: What were the moods and hopes for the future in Russian society after the Patriotic War of 1812?

The mood common to all layers can be conveyed by the words: “Unforgettable time! Time of glory and delight! How strongly the Russian heart beat at the word “Fatherland”! How sweet were the tears of the date! With what unanimity we united the feelings of national pride and love for the sovereign! And what a minute it was for him!”

1. Changes in domestic policy

“The changes in the war with Napoleon opened up brilliant opportunities for Alexander I to carry out major reforms in the country. The tsar's reform intentions coincided with the general expectation of change in all segments of the population. The nobility spoke about the future constitution. The peasants who defended their homeland in the fight against the enemy hoped for the abolition of serfdom.

But he had to take something else into account: the conservative layers perceived the victory of the nobility over Napoleon as yet another evidence of the superiority of the Russians.

orders over Western European" unnecessary and harmful reforms.

Taking this into account, Alexander 1, without abandoning the idea of reforms. was forced to lead

development in the strictest secrecy; if the proposals of the secret committee and Speransky’s constant were discussed, then new reforms were prepared by a narrow circle of people in complete secrecy.

2. Polish Constitution

The first task that Alexander tried to solve after the end of the war was the granting of a constitution to Poland.

Question: How did the Kingdom of Poland become part of the Russian Empire?

Answer: based on the results of the Vienna Congress.

Let's write down: 1815 – Alexander I grants the Constitution to the Kingdom of Poland.

The developed constitution guaranteed personal integrity, freedom of the press, abolished such forms of punishment as deprivation of property and exile without a court decision, etc.

The Russian emperor was declared the head of the Polish state. Legislative power belonged to the SEIM (a class representative institution) and the king. Suffrage was limited by property CENSION. The Sejm meets twice a year and works for no more than a month.

The Polish constitution was the first such document on the territory of the Russian Empire. To adopt the Constitution, Alexander I personally came to Warsaw in 1815.

Attitude:

1. Poles - the adoption of the constitution began the path to complete independence;

2. Alexander I - the biggest step towards Poland, believed that he had already done too much for Poland.

The Polish constitution was the largest step taken by Alexander I on the path of reform during his entire reign. Considered the “Polish experiment”. as the beginning of a path for all of Russia.

Working with the document: “From the speech of AlexanderI"

“The education that existed in your region allowed me to immediately introduce what which I bestowed upon you, guided by the rules of lawfully free institutions, which were constantly the subject of my thoughts (…….)

You gave me the means to show my fatherland what I already from a long time prepared for him and what will it use when the beginnings of such an important undertaking are achieved? proper maturity. (…..) You are called to give great example Europe, fixing its eyes on you.”

Question to the document:

- What were Alexander’s further intentions?I regarding the constitutional structure?

Answer: Alexander I spoke extremely carefully and in a general form about the subsequent introduction of a constitution throughout all territories of Russia. But words were spoken about the possibility and desirability of a constitution for Russia. Its introduction depended on the success of the Polish experience and Russia’s achievement of a certain level of development.

- How did society perceive Alexander’s speech?I?

Answer: some expected the speedy introduction of a constitution to all territories of Russia. Others saw the danger. It was believed that the constitution was impossible without the liberation of the peasants, which would ultimately lead to revolution and disobedience of the people to the authorities.

2. Reform project

In 1818, Alexander I gave the Minister of Justice a secret order to prepare a “state charter” (draft constitution) for Russia. By 1820, the text of the document was ready and approved.

Let's write down: Draft Constitution.

Conversation with a student according to what I read:

What was the name of the draft constitution?

(“Charter of the Russian Empire”)

- What civil liberties were granted to the population under the Charter of the Russian Empire?

Answer: (Freedom of speech, religion, equality of all before the law, personal integrity)

- If the draft constitution were adopted, would it be possible to remind us to talk about limiting the autocracy?(students can be reminded that autocracy is the unlimited, absolute power of the monarch in Russia)

Answer: (However, the legislative initiative - the right to introduce draft laws for discussion in parliament - belonged to the emperor. Therefore, the latter could not propose bills that did not suit him to the parliament. Legislative power was divided between the representative institution and the emperor)

3. Refusal to carry out reforms in the early 20s.

“Towards the end of his reign, the emperor was faced with the fact that reform projects were actively opposed by the majority of the nobles. Throughout Europe, a revolutionary movement was growing, which influenced Russian society, experiencing, on the one hand, pressure from the nobles, and on the other, fear of popular uprisings, the emperor began to curtail his reform plans.

A retrograde movement also began: decrees were issued that again allowed landowners to exile peasants to Siberia, supervision over the content of newspapers, magazines, books, etc. was strengthened.

The unresolved problems of public life were superimposed on the personal experiences of Alexander, who lost his daughters and sister in a short time - the king saw God's punishment. Hence the strengthening of the emperor’s religiosity, and then mysticism. In the interests of the Russian Orthodox Church, he banned the activities of the Jesuits, increased the number of hours allocated for religious instruction in educational institutions, and renamed the Ministry of Public Education to the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education.”

Conclusion: none of the issues that Russian society hoped would be resolved were resolved. There comes disappointment in the ability to change anything. The hopes and disappointment of society in the policies of the authorities in 1818 were expressed in his poem “The Fairy Tale”:

For joy in bed

The child jumped up:

“Really?

Is it really not a joke?

And his mother:

“Bye-bye! Close your eyes;

It's time to finally fall asleep

Having listened, like the king-father

Tells stories."

5. The main results of the internal policy of Alexander I.

Reasons for Alexander I’s refusal to implement the planned reforms:

1. Powerful resistance from the overwhelming majority of the nobility, who did not want any changes;

2. Revolutions in a number of Western European countries frightened and forced them to abandon radical changes, which, in the opinion of many, could lead to a revolution in Russia;

3. In addition, the emperor himself believed that the peasantry was not ready for freedom.

IV. Reinforcing the material learned

Answer textbook questions No. 2, No. 3, No. 5. p.45.

Domestic policy of Alexander I in 1815-1825. marked by caution and slowness. It would seem that the Russian Empire after the Patriotic War of 1812 was ready for reforms and changes, but Alexander hesitated. And if he first introduced the Constitution in the Kingdom of Poland in 1815, and then instructed N.N. Novosiltsev to develop a draft of the Russian Constitution, then, seeing that the highest circles of Russia were dissatisfied with such reforms, and fearing for his life, he did not introduce it in the country. In addition, Alexander I in the 1820s. destroyed many of the reforms of the beginning of his reign. By the end of his life, the personality of the emperor had completely changed from a liberal innovator who sought to make Russia a free country, to a spiritual man who was indifferent to the state affairs of Russia. You will learn more about all this in this lesson.

AlexanderI, the head of the Russian Empire, after the victory over France and his triumph, he was cautious. But, undoubtedly, some steps in the transformation of Russia by Alexander Iwere undertaken. For example, in 1815 he introduced a Constitution in the Polish kingdom, which gave more freedoms to Poland and determined its government structure.

The Polish Constitution of 1815 provided:

Introduction of a bicameral Sejm (legislative branch).
A ban on deportation to Siberia without trial and a ban on deprivation of property.
Law on military service (only subjects of the Polish kingdom could be accepted for public and military service).
The Polish language became mandatory for government office work.

This Constitution of Poland was actually revolutionary. After the introduction of the Constitution in Poland, Alexander I warned the Poles about their great responsibility in observing the foundations of this Constitution before Russia and Europe. Thus, the first step in government reforms was taken, and the emperor began to think about carrying out reforms in Russia.

Development of the Russian Constitution AlexanderIinstructed his friend, former member of the Secret Committee, Count N.N. Novosiltsev (Fig. 2).The count in 1820 created a project called “Charter of the Russian Empire.”

Rice. 2. N.N. Novosiltsev is the creator of the constitutional project “Charter of the Russian Empire” ()

This project included the following provisions.

1. Introduction of a bicameral Parliament (legislative branch).

However, only the emperor had the right to introduce bills to Parliament. Executive power was also concentrated in his hands.

2. Introduction of inalienable civil rights in the country: personal freedom, inviolability of property, freedom of religion, etc.

3. Introduction of freedom of speech (this issue was very difficult).

Despite all of the above, the “Charter of the Russian Empire” did not resolve the fundamental issue for Russia - the issue of abolishing serfdom, which was dragging Russia back economically. N.N. Novosiltsev perfectly understood the complexity of the abolition of serfdom in the Russian Empire and decided to simply do without it. However, even this very restrained Constitution AlexanderII didn’t dare introduce it in Russia.

The reason that the Russian Novosiltsev Constitution was not introduced into the Russian Empire was that Alexander I He saw the flames of revolution burning in Europe and feared that if drastic changes were made in his country, it would suffer the same fate. In addition, the emperor saw one more thing - more and more people from high Russian society had a negative attitude towards the reforms. Russian landowners imagined with horror the deprivation of their rights to peasants and land. Seeing such discontent in high society, Alexander I, remembering the fate of his father, Paul I, feared for his life.

AlexanderI During his reign, he never decided to introduce a Constitution in Russia. Moreover, by the 1820s. his actions looked even stranger - he began to destroy his own earlier reforms.

Alexander's actionsIin the internal politics of Russia in the 1820s. were as follows:

Introducing a ban on peasants filing complaints against their landowners.
Introduction of the possibility of deporting peasants to Siberia by decision of the landowner (strengthening serfdom).
The introduction of strict regulations in higher educational institutions (some educational institutions opened by Alexander I were closed by him).
Introduction of stricter censorship in Russia (restriction of freedom of speech and freedom of the press).

All these transformations, it would seem, did not fit with Alexander at the beginning of the 19th century, who, together with M.M. Speransky (Fig. 3) wanted to make the Russian Empire free and liberal, but these were irrefutable facts.

Rice. 3. M.M. Speransky - Russian statesman ()

Among other things, the period of Alexander's lifeI in the 1820s associated with another feature of his personality. The emperor suddenly became very spiritual, bringing various preachers and mystics from Russia and Europe closer to him. Gradually, Alexander retreated more and more into spiritual life, turning away from state issues and problems.

Even Alexander's deathIshrouded in an aura of mystery (Fig. 4). He died in Taganrog on the way to the Kislovodsk resorts. After the death of the emperor, a legend circulated throughout Russia that he did not actually die, but went to live as a simple peasant, walked around Russia and did good deeds; and another person was brought in a coffin for burial.

Rice. 4. Death of Alexander I in Taganrog ()

In general, the internal policy of Alexander I in Russia in 1815-1825. did not live up to the hopes of progressive-minded circles of the Russian Empire. However, it can be said that those progressive reforms that were carried out at the beginning of the 19th century largely prepared the ground for the future Great Reforms of the 1860s. Alexandra II.

References

Valishevsky K. Alexander I. History of the reign. In 3 volumes. - St. Petersburg: “Vita Nova”, 2011.
Kodan S.V. The last chord of the constitutional intentions of Alexander I. The draft of the State Charter of the Russian Empire of 1820 in the context of the constitutional development of Russia // FEMIS. Yearbook of the history of law and jurisprudence. - M.: MGIU, 2006, Issue. 6.
Lazukova N.N., Zhuravleva O.N. History of Russia. 8th grade. - M.: “Ventana-Graf”, 2013.
Lyashenko L.M. History of Russia. 8th grade. - M.: “Drofa”, 2012.
Presnyakov A.E. Russian autocrats. - M.: Book, 1990.

Pereplet.ru ().
Constitution.garant.ru ().
School.xvatit.com ().

Homework

What were the main provisions contained in the Polish Constitution of 1815?
Who and when was the draft “Charter of the Russian Empire” developed? What kind of government structure in Russia was proposed under this project?
What was the strangeness of Alexander I’s domestic policy in the 1820s? What changes occurred in his personality at this time?

The period of the reign of Alexander I, which came after the War of 1812 and the defeat of Napoleonic France, was traditionally viewed as a period of mute reaction. He was contrasted with the first, liberal, half of the reign of Alexander I. Indeed, in 1815-1825. In the internal politics of the autocracy, conservative principles are sharply strengthened. A tough police regime is being established in Russia, associated with the name of A. A. Arakcheev, who played a large role in governing the state. However, A. A. Arakcheev, with all his influence, in principle was only an executor of the will of the monarch.

Alexander I, however, did not immediately abandon the liberal initiatives that characterized the first half of his reign. In November 1815, the emperor approved a constitution for the part of Poland (Kingdom of Poland) annexed to Russia according to the decisions of the Congress of Vienna. The Kingdom of Poland received fairly broad autonomy. The power of the Russian monarch in Poland was limited, to a certain extent, by a local representative body with legislative functions - the Sejm. The Sejm consisted of two chambers - the Senate and the Ambassadorial Chamber. Senators were appointed for life by the monarch. They could be representatives of the royal family, the highest clergy, and large landowners. All nobles who had reached the age of 21 and owned real estate received voting rights. Peasants were not allowed to participate in the elections. However, by the standards of that time, the electoral system established in the Kingdom of Poland was quite progressive.

Alexander I considered the granting of a constitution to the Kingdom of Poland as the first step towards the introduction of a representative form of government in the Russian Empire.

In 1818-1819 Alexander I also made attempts to resolve the peasant issue. The Tsar instructed several dignitaries to prepare relevant projects at once, and among them was A. A. Arakcheev. The latter developed a plan for the gradual elimination of serfdom by redeeming the landowner peasants with their allotment from the treasury. For this purpose, it was planned to allocate 5 million rubles annually. or issue special treasury notes that bear interest. A. A. Arakcheev’s proposals received the approval of the emperor.

By 1821-1822 Alexander I's refusal to make any changes became a fait accompli. Supporters of change constituted a tiny minority in ruling circles.

For the first time during the reign of Alexander I, military settlements were organized in 1810, but they became widespread in 1816. By creating military settlements, the autocracy hoped to solve several problems at once. First of all, this made it possible to reduce the cost of maintaining the army. The peasants who were transferred to the category of military peasants combined agricultural work with military activities. Thus, the armed forces were transferred to “self-sufficiency.” Finally, the transfer of state-owned peasants to the category of military peasants strengthened administrative supervision over the state village.

The settled troops formed a Separate Corps of Military Settlements, commanded by A.A. Arakcheev. The life of the villagers was real hard labor. They had no right to go to work, engage in trade or fishing. The entire life of the military villagers was subject to a strict barracks routine and was strictly regulated. The arbitrariness of the authorities reigned in the settlements, and there was a system of inhumane punishments.

The military settlements did not live up to the hopes that the ruling circles pinned on them.

In 1817, the Ministry of Public Education was transformed into the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education. It concentrated the management of both church affairs and issues of public education. In 1819 Kazan University, recognized as a hotbed of freethinking, suffered a real defeat. 11 professors were fired for unreliability. The teaching of all subjects was restructured in the spirit of Christian doctrine, understood in a very primitive way, which could in no way contribute to the development of religious feeling. The behavior of students was placed under petty and strict administrative supervision.

In 1822, Alexander I approved the decision of the State Council “On the sending of serfs for bad offenses to Siberia for settlement.” This act restored the right of landowners to exile peasants to Siberia, abolished by the Tsar in 1809. The only difference between the old order, which existed before 1809, and the new order, introduced in 1822, was that previously landowners could send serfs to hard labor, and now - to settlement.

It has undergone changes since the early 20s of the 19th century. and the policy of Alexander I towards Poland. The Sejm of the second convocation turned out to be disobedient. In 1820, by a majority vote, he rejected the bills submitted for his approval as violating the constitution. After this, Alexander I did not convene the Sejm at all for the two terms provided for by the constitution. Thus, in the end, it was not the orders established in Poland that spread to Russia, but, on the contrary, the absolutist principles that prevailed in all other parts of the empire were gradually established in Poland. In the context of further onset of reaction, Alexander I died in Taganrog in November 1825.

Domestic policy of Alexander I in 1815–1825

The period of the reign of Alexander I, which began after the War of 1812 and the defeat of Napoleonic France, was traditionally considered both by contemporaries and in scientific literature as a period of mute reaction. He was contrasted with the first, liberal, half of the reign of Alexander I. Indeed, in 1815–1825. In the internal policy of the autocracy, conservative, protective principles are sharply strengthened. A tough police regime is being established in Russia, associated with the name of A.A. Arakcheev, who played a large role in governing the state. However, A.A. Arakcheev, with all his influence, in principle was only an executor of the will of the monarch.

Senators were appointed for life by the monarch. They could be representatives of the royal family, the highest clergy, and large landowners. The Ambassadorial Chamber consisted of 128 deputies, of which 77 were elected by nobles (for 6 years) at gentry sejmiks, and 51 at gmina (volost) assemblies. Voting rights were given to all nobles who had reached the age of 21 and owned real estate, as well as other property owners, factory owners, workshop owners, professors, teachers, etc. Peasants were not allowed to vote. However, by the standards of that time, the electoral system established in the Kingdom of Poland was quite progressive. Thus, if in France in 1815 80 thousand people received voting rights, then in Poland, with a population several times smaller than the population of France, 100 thousand people had these rights.

Alexander I considered the granting of a constitution to the Kingdom of Poland as the first step towards the introduction of a representative form of government in the Russian Empire. He made a corresponding hint in March 1818 in a speech delivered at the opening of the Polish Sejm. On behalf of Alexander I, one of the former members of the Secret Committee (N.N. Novosiltsev) began work on a draft constitution for Russia. The document he prepared (State Charter of the Russian Empire) introduced the federal principle of government; legislative power was divided between the emperor and a bicameral parliament - the Sejm, which consisted (as in Poland, of the Senate and the Ambassadorial Chamber); The charter provided citizens of the Russian Empire with freedom of speech, religion, and the press, and guaranteed personal integrity. This document said nothing about serfdom.

In 1818–1819 Alexander I also made attempts to resolve the peasant issue. The Tsar instructed several dignitaries to prepare relevant projects at once, and among them A.A. Arakcheev. The latter developed a plan for the gradual elimination of serfdom by redeeming the landowner peasants with their allotment from the treasury. For this purpose, it was planned to allocate 5 million rubles annually. or issue special treasury notes that bear interest. A.A. Arakcheev’s proposals received the approval of the emperor.

Nevertheless, plans for political reform and the abolition of serfdom remained unrealized. In 1816–1819 Only the Baltic peasants received personal freedom. At the same time, the landowners retained full ownership of all land. In return for renting the landowner's land, peasants were still required to perform corvée duties. Numerous restrictions (for example, restrictions on the right to change place of residence) significantly curtailed the personal freedom of peasants. The landowner could subject “free” farm laborers to corporal punishment. Thus, in the Baltic states, numerous remnants of the former serf relations remained.

By 1821–1822 Alexander I's refusal to make any changes became a fait accompli. Supporters of change constituted a tiny minority in ruling circles. The tsar himself, convinced of the impossibility of carrying out any serious reforms under these conditions, evolved more and more to the right in his views. It was a painful process that ended for Alexander I with a severe mental crisis. Having abandoned reforms, the tsar set a course for strengthening the foundations of the existing system. The internal political course of the autocracy from 1822–1823. characterized by a transition to outright reaction. However, already from 1815, the practice of public administration in many significant respects sharply contrasted with the liberal initiatives of the monarch that were conceived and partially implemented. The offensive of reaction along all lines became an increasingly tangible factor in Russian reality.

Harsh and senseless drills were enforced in the army. The most visible embodiment of the police regime that was establishing itself in the country were military settlements. For the first time during the reign of Alexander I, they were organized back in 1810, but became widespread in 1816. By the end of the reign of Alexander I, approximately 375 thousand state peasants were transferred to the position of military peasants, which amounted to about a third of the Russian army, which, apparently , in the future it was planned to make everything “settled”. By creating military settlements, the autocracy hoped to solve several problems at once. First of all, this made it possible to reduce the cost of maintaining the army, which was extremely important during the financial breakdown in the last years of the reign of Alexander I. The peasants who were transferred to the category of military peasants combined agricultural work with military activities. Thus, the armed forces were transferred to “self-sufficiency.” On the other hand, the “settlement” of the army was supposed to ensure its recruitment in peacetime due to natural growth in military settlements. Thus, in the future it was possible to eliminate conscription - one of the most burdensome peasant duties. In the person of the military villagers, a special caste was created, isolated from the bulk of the peasantry, and therefore, as it seemed to the ruling circles, capable of being a reliable support for the existing order. Finally, the transfer of state-owned peasants to the category of military peasants strengthened administrative supervision over the state village.

The settled troops formed a Separate Corps of Military Settlements, commanded by A.A. Arakcheev. The life of the villagers was real hard labor. They had no right to go to work, engage in trade or fishing. Military villagers experienced the double hardships of soldier and peasant life. From the age of 12, their children were taken away from their parents and transferred to the category of cantonists (soldiers' children), and from the age of 18 they were considered to be on active military service. The entire life of the military villagers was subject to a strict barracks routine and was strictly regulated. The arbitrariness of the authorities reigned in the settlements, and there was a system of inhumane punishments.

The military settlements did not live up to the hopes that the ruling circles pinned on them. However, Alexander I, convinced of the advisability of “settling” the army, with tenacity worthy of better use, defended the course taken, once declaring that military settlements “will be at all costs, even if the road from St. Petersburg to Chudov has to be paved with corpses.” "

The onset of reaction was also evident in government policy in the field of education. In 1817, the Ministry of Public Education was transformed into the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education. It concentrated the management of both church affairs and issues of public education. The influence of religion on the cultural life of the country has increased. The attack on universities immediately began. In 1819, Kazan University, recognized as a hotbed of freethinking, was truly destroyed. 11 professors were fired for unreliability. The teaching of all subjects was restructured in the spirit of Christian doctrine, understood in a very primitive way, which could in no way contribute to the development of religious feeling. The behavior of students was placed under petty and strict administrative supervision.

In 1821, an attack began on the newly established St. Petersburg University. The most prominent scientists - M.A. Balugyansky, K.I. Arsenyev, K.F. German and others were expelled from there on charges of promoting the ideas of the French Revolution. Censorship was significantly tightened, which did not allow even reviews of the performances of actors in imperial theaters to be published in print, since the actors were in government service and their criticism could be regarded as criticism of the government. Various circles of a religious and mystical nature were active. The Bible Society, founded back in 1812, especially stood out in this regard. It sought to unite representatives of various Christian denominations to fight the international ideas of progress and revolution, contrasting them with cosmopolitan religious principles. However, the tendency towards a certain equation of Orthodoxy with other confessions, manifested in the activities of both the Bible Society and the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education, caused discontent among the Orthodox clergy, who did not want to give up their privileged status. As a result, the Bible Society fell into disgrace, and in 1824 the previous order of managing the affairs of the Orthodox Church and public education was restored, which again passed respectively into the competence of two independent authorities - the Synod and the Ministry of Public Education.

Conservative-protective principles were also embodied in practical measures taken by the autocracy in relation to the peasantry. Thus, until 1815, the law formally remained in force, according to which only peasants registered as landowners under the first two revisions could not “seek freedom.” Now all other categories of the landowner peasantry have also been deprived of this right.

Strengthening the reaction since the early 20s of the 19th century. This was clearly manifested, again, in measures aimed at strengthening the power of landowners over the peasants. In 1822, Alexander I approved the decision of the State Council “On sending serfs to Siberia for settlement for bad offenses.” This act restored the right of landowners to exile peasants to Siberia, abolished by the Tsar in 1809. The only difference between the previous order, which existed before 1809, and the new order, introduced in 1822, was that previously landowners could send serfs to hard labor, but now - to settlement. In accordance with the clarification that followed in 1823, the courts were not supposed to deal with the affairs of peasants exiled to settlement. Thus, even those insignificant concessions to the serfs that Alexander I made in the initial period of his reign were significantly curtailed.

From the book History of Russia in stories for children author Ishimova Alexandra Osipovna

The last ten years of the reign of Alexander I from 1815 to 1825. The royal family, constantly separated from the emperor for three whole years of the great war with Napoleon, sadly shared all the troubles of Europe. Finally, at the end of 1815, everything changed:

author Nikolaev Igor Mikhailovich

From the book History. New complete student guide for preparing for the Unified State Exam author Nikolaev Igor Mikhailovich

From the book History. History of Russia. 10th grade. Advanced level. Part 2 author Lyashenko Leonid Mikhailovich

§ 61. Domestic policy of Alexander I Domestic policy of the government of the first quarter of the 19th century. turned out to be both traditional and innovative. Its duality was largely determined by the personality of Emperor Alexander I, his views and methods of action. In 1801 –

From the book History of Russia [Tutorial] author Team of authors

6.5. Domestic policy of Alexander I in 1815–1825 Strengthening the reactionAfter the creation of the Holy Alliance and return to Russia in 1815, Alexander I showed more and more doubts about the need for constitutional reform. The documents of the Congress of Vienna contained a resolution

From the book History of Russia. XIX century. 8th grade author Lyashenko Leonid Mikhailovich

§ 30. INTERNAL POLICY OF ALEXANDER III NEW EMPEROR. Alexander III became heir to the throne in 1865 after the unexpected death of his elder brother, Nicholas. He received the usual education for great princes preparing to become military leaders, but he did not succeed in that either.

author Froyanov Igor Yakovlevich

The domestic policy of Alexander I in 1815–1825 The period of the reign of Alexander I, which began after the War of 1812 and the defeat of Napoleonic France, was traditionally considered both by contemporaries and in scientific literature as a period of mute reaction. He was opposed to the first

From the book History of Russia from ancient times to the beginning of the 20th century author Froyanov Igor Yakovlevich

Foreign policy of Alexander I in 1815–1825 The victory over Napoleon enormously strengthened Russia's international position. Alexander I was the most powerful monarch in Europe, and Russia's influence on the affairs of the continent was greater than ever. Protective tendencies are clearly

From the book History of Russia from ancient times to the beginning of the 20th century author Froyanov Igor Yakovlevich

Domestic policy of Nicholas I (1825–1855) The Decembrist uprising had a great influence on government policy. An active and purposeful fight against any manifestations of public discontent has become the most important component of the internal political course of the new

author Dvornichenko Andrey Yurievich

§ 9. Foreign policy of Alexander I in 1815–1825. The victory over Napoleon greatly strengthened Russia's international position. Alexander I was the most powerful monarch in Europe, and Russia’s influence on the affairs of the continent was greater than ever. Protective tendencies are clearly

From the book National History (before 1917) author Dvornichenko Andrey Yurievich

§ 13. Domestic policy of Nicholas I (1825–1855) The Decembrist uprising had a great influence on government policy. An active and purposeful fight against any manifestations of public discontent has become the most important component of the internal political course

author Nikolaev Igor Mikhailovich

Domestic policy of Alexander I (1812–1825) The time after the end of the Patriotic War in Soviet historiography was usually called Arakcheevism, after the name of one of Alexander I’s closest assistants, A.A. Arakcheeva. All reactionary politics were associated with his name

From the book History of Russia from ancient times to the end of the 20th century author Nikolaev Igor Mikhailovich

Foreign policy (1815–1825) The defeat of Napoleon led to the restoration of the Bourbons and the return of France to the borders of 1792. The final settlement of issues of the post-war world took place at the Congress of Vienna, where sharp disagreements arose between the victorious powers.

From the book History. 8th grade. Thematic test tasks to prepare for the State Examination author Galanyuk P. P.

Domestic policy of Emperor Alexander I

author Devletov Oleg Usmanovich

3.2. Domestic policy of Alexander I (1801–1825) All reforms in Russia, to one degree or another, had some common features. Among them we can highlight: the reforms were initiated “from above” - by the autocrat; reform activities have always encountered resistance

From the book Course of Russian History author Devletov Oleg Usmanovich

4.2. The internal policy of Alexander III Today among historians there is no unity in assessing the personality of Alexander III. There is a point of view on the reign of Alexander III as a period of “counter-reforms”. It appeared in the works of liberal contemporaries of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

The period of the reign of Alexander I, which began after the War of 1812 and the defeat of Napoleonic France, was traditionally considered both by contemporaries and in scientific literature as a period of mute reaction. He was contrasted with the first, liberal, half of the reign of Alexander I. Indeed, in 1815-1825. In the internal policy of the autocracy, conservative, protective principles are sharply strengthened. A tough police regime is being established in Russia, associated with the name of A.A. Arakcheev, who played a large role in governing the state. However, A.A. Arakcheev, with all his influence, in principle was only an executor of the will of the monarch.

Senators were appointed for life by the monarch. They could be representatives of the royal family, the highest clergy, and large landowners. The Ambassadorial Chamber consisted of 128 deputies, of which 77 were elected by nobles (for 6 years) at gentry sejmiks, and 51 at gmina (volost) assemblies. Voting rights were given to all nobles who had reached the age of 21 and owned real estate, as well as other property owners, manufacturers, workshop owners, professors, teachers, etc. Peasants were not allowed to participate in the elections. However, by the standards of that time, the electoral system established in the Kingdom of Poland was quite progressive. Thus, if in France in 1815 80 thousand people received voting rights, then in Poland, with a population several times smaller than the population of France, 100 thousand people had these rights.

In 1818-1819 Alexander I also made attempts to resolve the peasant issue. The Tsar instructed several dignitaries to prepare relevant projects at once, and among them A.A. Arakcheev. The latter developed a plan for the gradual elimination of serfdom by redeeming the landowner peasants with their allotment from the treasury. For this purpose, it was planned to allocate 5 million rubles annually. or issue special treasury notes that bear interest. A.A. Arakcheev’s proposals received the approval of the emperor.

However, plans for political reform and the abolition of serfdom remained unrealized. In 1816-1819 Only the Baltic peasants received personal freedom. At the same time, the landowners retained full ownership of all land. In return for renting the landowner's land, peasants were still required to perform corvée duties. Numerous restrictions (for example, restrictions on the right to change place of residence) significantly curtailed the personal freedom of peasants. The landowner could subject “free” farm laborers to corporal punishment. Thus, in the Baltic states, numerous remnants of the former serf relations remained.

By 1821-1822 Alexander I's refusal to make any changes became a fait accompli. Supporters of change constituted a tiny minority in ruling circles. The tsar himself, convinced of the impossibility of carrying out any serious reforms under these conditions, evolved more and more to the right in his views. It was a painful process that ended for Alexander I with a severe mental crisis. Having abandoned reforms, the tsar set a course for strengthening the foundations of the existing system. The internal political course of the autocracy from 1822-1823. characterized by a transition to outright reaction. However, already from 1815, the practice of public administration in many significant respects sharply contrasted with the liberal initiatives of the monarch that were conceived and partially implemented. The offensive of reaction along all lines became an increasingly tangible factor in Russian reality.

First of all, this made it possible to reduce the cost of maintaining the army, which was extremely important during the financial breakdown in the last years of the reign of Alexander I. The peasants who were transferred to the category of military peasants combined agricultural work with military activities. Thus, the armed forces were transferred to “self-sufficiency.” On the other hand, the “settlement” of the army was supposed to ensure its recruitment in peacetime due to natural growth in military settlements. Thus, in the future it was possible to eliminate conscription - one of the most burdensome peasant duties. In the person of the military villagers, a special caste was created, isolated from the bulk of the peasantry, and therefore, as it seemed to the ruling circles, capable of being a reliable support for the existing order. Finally, the transfer of state-owned peasants to the category of military peasants strengthened administrative supervision over the state village.

The settled troops formed a Separate Corps of Military Settlements, commanded by A.A. Arakcheev. The life of the villagers was real hard labor. They had no right to go to work, engage in trade or fishing. Military villagers experienced the double hardships of soldier and peasant life. From the age of 12, their children were taken away from their parents and transferred to the category of cantonists (soldiers' children), and from the age of 18 they were considered to be on active military service. The entire life of the military villagers was subject to a strict barracks routine and was strictly regulated. The arbitrariness of the authorities reigned in the settlements, and there was a system of inhumane punishments.

The Bible Society, founded back in 1812, especially stood out in this regard. It sought to unite representatives of various Christian denominations to fight the international ideas of progress and revolution, contrasting them with cosmopolitan religious principles. However, the tendency towards a certain equation of Orthodoxy with other confessions, manifested in the activities of both the Bible Society and the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education, caused discontent among the Orthodox clergy, who did not want to give up their privileged status. As a result, the Bible Society fell into disgrace, and in 1824 the previous order of managing the affairs of the Orthodox Church and public education was restored, which again passed respectively into the competence of two independent authorities - the Synod and the Ministry of Public Education.

Strengthening the reaction since the early 20s of the 19th century. clearly manifested itself, again, in measures aimed at strengthening the power of landowners over the peasants. In 1822, Alexander I approved the decision of the State Council “On sending serfs to Siberia for settlement for bad offenses.” This act restored the right of landowners to exile peasants to Siberia, abolished by the Tsar in 1809. The only difference between the old order, which existed before 1809, and the new order, introduced in 1822, was that previously landowners could send serfs to hard labor, and now - to settlement. In accordance with the clarification that followed in 1823, the courts were not supposed to deal with the affairs of peasants exiled to settlement. Thus, even those insignificant concessions to the serfs that Alexander I made in the initial period of his reign were significantly curtailed.

Reforms of Alexander 1 1815 1825. “Great Reforms” of Alexander II

Password recovery