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Home  /  Our children/ Topic: Consolidating the idea that the number of objects does not depend on their size and the distance between them; comparison of the number of items and leveling. What does male fertility depend on and how to increase it? Their number depends on

Topic: Reinforcing the idea that the number of objects does not depend on their size and the distance between them; comparison of the number of items and leveling. What does male fertility depend on and how to increase it? Their number depends on

If some features of the migration flow are due to different migration mobility of population groups with different socio-demographic characteristics, then others are due to natural-geographical, historical and other specifics. Here, the structure of flows is formed due to certain, including socio-economic conditions.

The migration flow can be divided primarily depending on the geography of the exit areas and places of settlement of migrants. Moreover, the more territories there are in migration interaction, the more structurally complex the migration flows, the greater the number of elementary flows. If we take the subject of the Federation as a taxonomic administrative-territorial unit, then in Russia migration exchange can be considered between 89 territories. Naturally, a single flow of migrants leaves each administrative-territorial unit (ATE), which then branches out and is split into numerous flows. The migration flow formed in one or another administrative-territorial unit is divided into 89 inter-district directions, differing in their power and structure. Between two territories there are two flows, between three - six, between four - 12, between five - 20 and between 89 administrative-territorial units - almost 7832 elementary flows (a combination formula is used).

Of course, if we take not the region, but the administrative districts included in it, as the lower administrative-territorial unit, then their number in Russia at the beginning of 2000 was . was almost 1867. Then the theoretical number of elementary migration flows operating between all these areas will be 3.5 million (the combination formula is applied). However, the power of flows that are theoretically possible for many areas will be practically equal to zero, especially for those located in mutually distant areas. The actual number of threads is always significantly less than the theoretical one.

But let's return to migration flows between the subjects of the Federation. The average migration flow, both in terms of departure and arrival, by the beginning of the 70s was approximately 1100-1200 people, but for some territories it did not exceed several people per year, while for others it was equal to many thousands of migrants.

The power of migration flows depends primarily on two conditions: on the population size of the regions between which migration exchange takes place, and on their location. The larger the population of the territories between which migration exchange takes place, the more powerful the migration flows; The closer the territories are located, the more intense the migration connections between them and the more significant the migration flows. Yes, between Krasnoyarsk Territory and the bordering Irkutsk region, the flow value exceeds 2.3 thousand people, while with Stavropol the flow barely reaches 0.5 thousand. The migration flow between Stavropol and Krasnodar region close to the two thousand mark, and with the Irkutsk region - less than 0.4 thousand.



At the end of the 60s, a peculiar pattern was identified for the administrative-territorial units of Russia, consisting in the fact that the most intense migration exchange of population occurs between adjacent regions, and if these regions are located within the same large economic region, then the intensity of migration turns out to be the highest. For example, the intensity of migration exchange between the Primorsky Territory and the Khabarovsk Territory, Sakhalin and Kamchatka regions is 10-20 times higher than with areas located west of Lake Baikal.

As the exit areas move away from the places of entry, the intensity of migration connections sharply decreases, and if there are two or more other territories between the areas of exit and the places of entry, then the intensity of migration connections is below the average level (118). An analysis of the intensity of interregional migration connections in Ukraine, carried out by A.U. Khomra, confirmed a number of conclusions for Russia, including that the predominant share of migrants moves to neighboring regions. At the same time, he noted that in Ukraine, for the intensity of migration ties, it does not matter in which economic region of the republic this or that territory is located (141). Apparently, this is explained by the fact that the size of the regions and, most importantly, the historical traditions of economic zoning in Ukraine differ significantly from Russia.

The power of migration flows is also affected by such factors as ethnic, economic and natural similarity of territories, historically established ties, management decisions etc. However, all this has the nature of episodic influence, or local limitation, in contrast to such factors as proximity of territories and population.

As already noted, population migration has two aspects: it is not only an inter-territorial, but also an inter-settlement phenomenon. Therefore, migration flows can be considered not only as interterritorial, but also as intersettlement exchange. Abstracting from the economic, social and demographic status of settlements, which differ in many characteristics, among which the most important are population size and functions performed, the entire migration flow total for the country can be divided into hundreds of thousands of individual elementary flows. Their theoretical number depends on the total number settlements. At the beginning of 2000 in Russia there were 3,742 cities and urban-type settlements, not to mention hundreds of thousands of villages and hamlets.

The entire set of migration flows is usually distributed in the following main directions: between urban settlements, i.e. between 3.7 thousand cities and urban-type settlements, between all rural entities(there were over 24.5 thousand), between urban settlements, on the one hand, and rural areas, on the other, and vice versa. The number of migration flows in the first direction is almost 14 million, in the second - over 575 million and in the other two - 767 million, and in total there are more than 1.3 billion migration flows between different settlements and their groups. The number of real elementary streams is of course several orders of magnitude smaller and does not exceed several tens of thousands.

The structure of the total migration flow in the process historical development our country has changed significantly. So, in 1926. according to calculations by V.M. Moiseenko, in the total migration movement the share of intra-urban migration was 12.3%, intra-rural – 58.6%, migration from villages to cities – 23.7% and from cities to villages – 5.4% (81). Population census 1970 revealed significant shifts associated with changes in population settlement, growth in the number and proportion of urban residents. The structure of migration in the same directions was respectively: 38.1, 18.0, 31.7 and 12.2%. The share of intra-urban migration increased, while the share of intra-rural migration decreased, each threefold.

In intra-urban migration, one can distinguish flows between settlements of different populations (large, large, medium-sized, small cities and urban-type settlements), settlements performing different functions, settlements located in different parts of the country, old and newly formed settlements, etc. And all these areas are characterized by very specific patterns and features. Some of them are due to the very nature of migration processes, i.e. internally immanent to it, others - by the nature of the socio-economic processes occurring at one or another stage of the historical development of the country, others - by the natural-geographical and socio-economic conditions of a particular territory.

The migration processes of each country, due to the uniqueness of its historical development, economic, natural-geographical, ethnic and a number of other features, have their own directions of migration flows, characterizing the specifics of inter-territorial and inter-settlement redistribution of the population. Not only the direction, but also the intensity, structure of flows, factors causing migration, its social, economic and demographic consequences vary significantly in different countries, as well as in one country in different historical eras.

In the migration of the population of Russia, regardless of its borders, in the past, both pre-revolutionary and Soviet era three most important socio-economic and demographic processes prevailed: 1) the movement of the population from the populated parts of the country to the sparsely populated eastern and northern regions; 2) continuous (weak in the Tsarist Empire and rapid in the Soviet Union) outflow of rural residents to cities; 3) intensive urbanization, an essential feature of which is the growth of the largest cities.

The movement of the population from densely populated areas, located mainly in the central part of the country, to poorly developed areas was initially based on such a factor as the resolution of agrarian overpopulation by evicting, most often, land-poor peasant families to the unpopulated or poorly developed outskirts of the state, and later on such a socio-economic factor , as a change in the nature of the distribution of productive forces, consisting mainly in the intensive growth of the economy of marginal, formerly backward national regions, or eastern and northern territories with rich natural resources. Such regions in our country included Siberia, the Far East, the North, and in Soviet times, Northern Kazakhstan, and a number of regions of Central Asia. On the basis of untouched fuel, energy and other material and raw materials resources, new territorial production complexes were formed here, attracting significant labor resources. Only from 1926 to 1938 to the Urals, Siberia, the Far East, Kazakhstan and Central Asia approximately 5 million people resettled. About 2 million people settled in the Urals, up to 700 thousand - in the Kuznetsk coal basin, 800 thousand people settled in the Far East, the population of which by 1940 had increased by more than 1.7 times compared to 1930.

The Great Patriotic War led to mass migration of people from areas subject to occupation. The information given in publications about the size of the evacuated or migrated population from the areas from which our troops retreated is not only contradictory, but sometimes simply fantastic. Table 3.2.1 provides a far from complete list of them.

Before the start of perestroika, publications about the evacuated population usually cited a figure of about 25 million people. The exception is the work of military historians (40). And then - “full democracy”. Even the data on population migration from areas occupied by fascist troops, given in the articles by M. Filimoshin, G. Kumanev and Yu. Polyakov, published in the same collection, differ quite significantly.

Table 3.2.1

The size of the population that migrated (evacuated)

to the rear areas of the country

The most detailed information about the size of the migrated population is provided by G. Kumanev. According to his data on initial stage During the war, 100 thousand people managed to leave the Baltic states, including 60 thousand from Estonia, 4 million from Ukraine, 1.5 million from Belarus, 300 thousand from Moldova, 773.6 thousand from Leningrad, up to 200 thousand, Karelia – 500 thousand, Moscow – up to 2 million people. In 1942 they migrated from Donbass, Chernozem region and North Caucasus up to 1 million people (63, pp. 141-144). Unfortunately, detail is not yet certainty. In particular, the figures for Karelia raise great doubts. How could 500 thousand people leave this area when the total population of the republic was 470 thousand on the eve of the war? The number of people evacuated from Leningrad by G. Kumanev is significantly less than what L. Polyakov calls it. According to his data, in January-November 1942 from Leningrad through Lake Ladoga About 1 million people were evacuated. L. Polyakov borrows data on migration volumes from the work of I. Gurvich, and the latter uses information from publications of 1961, 1966, 1971 and 1975 for calculations. It is difficult to say who put this figure into circulation. Information from the USSR State Statistics Committee on the evacuated population during the war years includes 10 million of those who used the railway (I. Gurvich and L. Polyakov - 10.4 million), and 2 million - by water transport. Let us add that there were probably many who left the combat areas by road and horse-drawn transport, as well as on foot.

As the occupied territories were liberated from fascist troops, many returned. Some of the migrants were drafted into the army, some of them died. Data remain unknown not only on migration at the beginning of the war, but also on population movements in the second half of the 40s, when the scale of return migration, etc. increased. All these phenomena cannot be measured in any objective way.

3.3. Features of migration flows in the post-war Soviet period

Great Patriotic War led to great changes in the distribution of the population. The population left the regions of Ukraine, Belarus, the Baltic republics and western regions Central Russia and headed to the Urals, Volga region, Western Siberia, Kazakhstan and Central Asia. Approximate calculations show that in 1939-1958. A total of 8-10 million people moved from the European part of the country to the Asian part, including the Urals. As a result of migration, the share of the Urals, Siberia and Far East in the population of Russia increased and at the end of the twentieth century was 1.5 times greater than before the war.

In the post-war years, when the development of Siberian oil and gas fields began, the formation of new TPK in Eastern Siberia, the construction of the Baikal-Amur Mainline, etc., the intensive development of the productive forces of the eastern and northern regions of Russia and their further settlement continued. It should be noted that the settlement of poorly developed territories in the post-war years occurred with varying intensity, and there were periods when the outflow of population from the eastern regions exceeded the influx. V.I. Perevedentsev was the first to reveal that from 1939 to 1958 Siberia lost more in migration exchange than it gained (94).

The restoration of the western regions destroyed by the war was a strong stimulus for the return movement of the population from the eastern part of the country. Such reasons for the outflow of population, for example, from Siberia, as severe natural conditions and the lag in the development of sectors of social infrastructure, in the 50s and 60s, were intensified by the increase in the attractive power of the areas of initial exit. The fifties saw mass migrations to develop virgin lands, primarily in Northern Kazakhstan. The negative balance of migration of the population of Russia in exchange with other union republics in the second half of the 50s exceeded one million people. Many tens of thousands of people moved to the east of the country, joining the labor force in sparsely populated but resource-rich areas, greatly facilitated by the restoration of northern benefits after the war.

The process of settling poorly developed territories appears as a pattern only in historical retrospect and in the migration of the country’s population as a whole. Therefore, for example, the movement of the population to the southern regions, which took place in certain periods, only emphasized the contradictory nature of this pattern, which manifests itself as a general trend in migration processes. The dominant significance of this trend remained both in the pre-war and in post-war periods socio-economic development of the country, despite their inherent uniqueness in the territorial redistribution of the population.

Another characteristic feature migration processes in the USSR was systematic in nature and significant in scale outflow rural population to the cities. This process is of global importance for the world community, although in certain countries in certain periods the opposite picture is observed. This general pattern is based on different reasons in countries with different levels of socio-economic development.

The entire complex of socio-economic transformations carried out in the USSR, to one degree or another, influenced the development of these migration processes. The industrialization of the country's economy and the collectivization of its agriculture were the material basis for the constant outflow of the rural population to the cities. This pattern is inherent in all countries, especially in the early stages of development, which was actually observed in the Soviet Union, where in the first post-revolutionary years the agricultural sector was predominant in the economy. Subsequently, intensive migration of rural residents was due to the socialization of agricultural production, an increase in agricultural productivity, on the one hand, and an increase in the demand for urban labor, on the other. Moreover, this movement was based on differences in the living standards of urban and rural populations. The attractive power of cities depends on their population, economic structure, availability of jobs, geographical location etc., while the outflow of migrants from villages is influenced by wages in agriculture, lack of comfort in the social sphere, composition of the population, etc.

From 1926 to 1939, throughout the USSR as a whole, the urban population increased at the expense of rural residents by 18.5 million people. In the subsequent period, until the beginning of the 70s, more than 40 million rural residents migrated to cities. In the 70s, the annual migration of the rural population to the cities was 1.6 million people. Their rapid growth is associated with the migration of the rural population to cities. If in 1926 the number of urban residents of the USSR was 26.3 million, then in 1980 already 166.3 million people lived in urban settlements, and in 1985 - 181.1 million people. Of the total increase in the urban population for the period between the first (1926) and the last (1979) population census of 133 million people, the migration balance accounted for over 55%. The significance of various sources of urban population dynamics in 1951-90. are shown in table. 3.3.1

Table 3.3.1

General, natural, migration growth

urban population Soviet Russia in the post-war years

(thousand people).

Five years (years) Total growth Natural increase Migration increase
1951-55 9553.5 4349.0 5304.5
1956-60 10289.3 4298.0 5991.3
1961-65 8600.1 3583.7 5016.4
1966-70 7807.5 2624.8 5182.7
1971-75 8653.8 3182.4 5471.4
1976-80 7085.5 3011.4 4074.1
1981-85 6398.3 3153.4 3244.9
1986-90 5652.6 2757.3 2895.3

Rural migrants to cities and with residents of those villages that received the status of urban settlements, over the post-war 40 years, increased the population of Russian cities by 37.2 million people. But they not only replenished the number of urban residents, they actively participated in the reproduction of the urban population. Moreover, in the first years of moving into cities, birth rates among people from villages remain higher than among native urban residents. Calculations show that in the total natural increase in the country's urban population, the share of rural migrants is 1.5 times greater than that of those who were city dwellers already in 1926.

Speaking about the constant outflow of the rural population to cities, it should be noted that this process is not equally characteristic of different regions of the country. At the same time, the outflow of the rural population has different specifics. In particular, many researchers have noticed that the placement of a new large industrial facility in a particular area leads to a sharp increase in the outflow of rural residents from nearby places (4.p.49). It is no coincidence that a high proportion of the labor force of these facilities belongs to people from villages. So, in the first years at BAM there were 64% of them (34.p.114). But this process, as shown by E.D. Malinin and A.K. Ushakov, is not universal. In particular, the development of the oil and gas industry in the Tyumen region was not accompanied by an increase in the intensity of rural migration (66.p.48-49). This can be explained not only by the fact that the formation of the new TPK took place in the sparsely populated North of the Tyumen region, where the proportion of northern nationalities among rural residents is large, but also by the fact that the oil and gas industry differs from others in many specific features, in particular, high requirements for professional staff labor force.

The third pattern of migration of the population of the USSR is its urbanization nature; it shows the intensive movement of the population from small settlements to large settlements. The population of capitals and regional centers grew especially quickly.

Despite the decline in the growth rate of the urban population in general and the growth rate of the population living in capitals and regional centers in particular, the share of the latter in the growth of the urban population in the intercensal period from 1970 to 1979 has increased noticeably. In 1959-1969 total share the capitals of all union republics and regional centers of Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, i.e. 134 cities, accounted for 51.7%, and in 1970-1978. it increased to 63.3%. Only a little more than one third of the urban population growth occurred in the remaining cities and urban-type settlements (there are almost 6 thousand of them)

Similar processes are typical for Russia. If in 1979 In cities exceeding 0.5 million inhabitants, 33.3% of all urban residents lived, then in 1989. – already 36.3%. During this time, the number of residents in millionaire cities increased by 1.3 times, with an overall increase of city residents by 1.1 times. As a result of the intensive migration influx of population to large cities in the post-war years, the number of cities with a population of more than a million increased significantly. If before the war on the territory of Russia only Moscow and Leningrad were classified as cities with a population exceeding a million inhabitants, then since 1959 the number of such cities has included. to 1989 10 more cities.

The growth in the number of millionaire cities and large cities in general occurs despite the fact that their vital rates are low. Thus, in the mid-70s, the natural population growth per thousand inhabitants was 3.2 in Leningrad, 1.8 in Moscow, etc. Population growth in such cities occurs to a greater extent due to migration than due to the natural growth of their own population. It should be noted that the high share of the migration balance in the overall population growth of cities, and now its compensation for natural decline, does not mean that the intensity of migration of the population of these settlements is equally high. As A.V. showed Topilin, the larger the population of the city, the lower the intensity of migration of their population. In cities with a population of up to 100 thousand, the intensity of population migration is 18 ppm, with a population of 100-500 thousand - 13-12, and with a population of over 500 thousand - 10 ppm (134.p.70). Thus, lower migration intensity does not hinder rapid urban population growth due to migration.

In Soviet times, there was an ambivalent attitude towards the growth of large and major cities. On the one hand, various restrictive measures were established for new construction, attracting labor, registering migrants, etc. But on the other hand, the advantages of large cities stimulated new investments and corresponding population growth, and reaching a million population at that time turned into a kind of anniversary. Restrictive measures turned out to be much weaker than economic incentives and the social climate.

So, in the entirety of intersettlement and interterritorial migration flows in the past, there were three most significant directions of population movement: firstly, the movement of migrants from old, usually densely populated areas to sparsely populated areas of intensive economic development; secondly, the outflow of rural residents to urban settlements of various taxonomic significance; thirdly, the intensive and highly productive influx of migrants into large and largest cities, to republican and regional centers.

Money is something that exists in the world of people and is created by people. Animals and insects have no money.

Therefore, money is a “substance” that does not appear from nowhere, but comes through people.

Obvious things!

But here lies the key: money is what comes from people!

Other people give us money and pay for some goods and services. Even if you literally don't sell any goods or services, the employer is buying your time and skills. And money still comes through people. Even if the money came to you by air, it got there through another person.

And if money comes from people, then its quantity depends from the desire of other people to give it to you (pay). This means that the amount of your money depends on the quality of the relationship.

People don't want to give money (buy) if you treat them badly. Moreover, this “bad” may not be very obvious to you. You can say that you love people and treat them well. And on a formal level this may be so.

But I'm talking about what happens in the unconscious. About the messages that you broadcast to other people without realizing it and about the relationship models that you build.

Let me give you a few examples from practice:

Case No. 1

A girl is having a consultation. Large debts, orders regularly fail, lately there are none.

Where are your clients? How do you see them? - I ask.

Well, I'm upstairs and they're downstairs.

How do you feel about them, sitting upstairs?

Disgust! These are stupid, narrow-minded creatures!

This was her unconscious message that she sent to other people.

“You are worse than me!” - she broadcast to them, without realizing it.

And she pushed people away, being seemingly sweet and very attractive. But they didn’t want to come to her and order her work because they didn’t want to feel humiliated.

After some time, the girl receives a large order.

Case No. 2

Man. Wants more money, but all the time he runs into a ceiling that he cannot break through.

He has a huge fear of being rejected, so he keeps a distance from people and has no contact with them. And when this contact happens, he is very cold and pushes the other person away.

No, he doesn't say - fuck you! He simply unconsciously behaves in such a way that the other cannot come closer, does not allow him to come close to him.

But in order for the exchange to take place and people to give money, you need to contact them. And if there is more money, then this means more contact.

Case No. 3

Woman. “The director regularly cuts my salary! Why me? - she is indignant. Others work worse, mess up more, but cut me short!”

In this case, in the working relationship, the usual model was activated, according to which many relationships in her life are built: “I am good, and he is bad!”

Next, we find out that the same model applies to relationships with husbands, sons, and girlfriends. They automatically become bad. This is her scenario, as it is written in her settings - it must be “bad”. And the other, secretly entering into a relationship with her, must justify this model of hers, become bad at all costs, play this role for her.

This is how relationships with her boss are unconsciously built, because she doesn’t know or use any other model.

These very subtle and non-obvious relationships can be found in the topic of money. And I would even say that the “money channel” is not a spherical horse in a vacuum with esoteric bells and whistles, but a channel of your exchange with the world and people, the nature of your interactions.

Target : Creating conditions to reinforce the idea that the number of objects does not depend on their size.

Tasks :

consolidate the idea that the number of objects does not depend on their size and the distance between them;

learn to compare the number of objects (more, less) and align them so that they are equal;

learn to lay out various plane figures from counting sticks.

Integration: O.O. " Speech development", "Social and communicative development", "Physical development".

Demo material : typesetting cloth with two stripes; color images of 10 large and 10 small leaves, 10 multi-colored flags.

Dispensing material: cards with two free stripes, on trays cut out of cardboard images of strawberries and raspberries (10 pieces of strawberries and 10 raspberries, counting sticks, 1 box for each child.

Progress of the lesson

1. Vs: Guys, a bear came to visit us from the forest. He's upset.

Today he ate apples and mushrooms for breakfast and he can’t figure out what he wants more ate: apples or mushrooms. Let's help him. Shall we help you guys?

Guys, look at the board. I placed apples on the top strip of the typesetting canvas.

And on the bottom are mushrooms (apples are placed close to each other, and mushrooms are at a short distance)

Can you tell how many apples and mushrooms there are without counting?

How can you check how many apples and mushrooms there are?

How many apples? (8) .

Now who will go and count the mushrooms? (the child comes out and counts them)

How many mushrooms? (9)

How can you place apples and mushrooms so that you can immediately see if they are equal?

(children do the task at the board)

How many apples?

How many mushrooms?

Which number is greater than 8 or 9?

What needs to be done so that there is an equal number of apples and mushrooms?

2. Next, the teacher calls 10 children, invites them to take one flag each and stand in a line facing the rest of the children. Then sets questions: “How many children do you see? How many flags did each child take? How many flags did they take? Are there equal numbers of flags and children? How to prove this? Does the number of objects depend on their size?

3. Physical education moment : "Bear Cubs"

The cubs lived in the thicket

They turned their heads

Like this, like this, like this.

The cubs were looking for honey

Together they rocked the tree :

Like this, like this, like this.

And then they danced

Paws raised up :

Like this, like this, like this.

4. (Working with the handout material)

The teacher gives the task : put 6 mushrooms close to each other on the top strip of the card, and 5 apples at some distance from each other on the bottom strip.

Then turns to children:

What do you have more, mushrooms or apples? Why do you think there are more mushrooms? What needs to be done to make the number of apples equal? Add one apple. What can we say now about the number of mushrooms and apples? (there are 6 of them, equally) How to prove that there are equal numbers of all items? Place the mushrooms and apples exactly one below the other, in pairs. Well done. Now remove one fungus. Is it possible to say, without counting, what is more? That's right, there are more apples than mushrooms. There are 6 apples and 5 mushrooms. This is recorded So: 6>5, or 5<6. Мишка, ты понял каких ягод ты съел больше? Мишка благодарит детей за то, что они ему так хорошо объяснили, что 6 больше 5.

5. (work in subgroups) - Guys, I’ll now tell you a fairy tale about a lion. Banification, and you must lay out from sticks what I say.

“Once upon a time there lived a lion named Baniface. He performed in the circus.

But in the summer he had a vacation, and he decided to visit his grandmother, who lived in Africa.

He decided to sail to Africa by boat. Guys, let's help the lion Banifatius make a boat (make a boat out of counting sticks) .

He got into the boat and sailed away. His grandmother met him in Africa.

She hugged Baniface and led him home.

And my grandmother’s house was square with a triangular roof (make a house out of sticks) .

Banifacius gave his grandmother flowers, and she put them in a vase. (lay out a vase of seven counting sticks) .

And the grandmother treated the lion Banifacius to a large candy (lay out the candy in the form of a rectangle and two triangles along the edges)

6. Well done. Everyone completed the task. Bear, did you enjoy working with the guys? Stay with us until the evening, our children love to play and you will play with them.

Today, medicine is an industry that receives the closest attention at the state level. In July 2013, President V.V. Putin held a meeting of the Presidium of the State Council “On the tasks of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation to increase the availability and quality of medical care,” at which, among others, one of the important topics was raised - personnel, their quantity, and, of course, the quality of training.

This topic is one of the most pressing for the Ashinsky district. Hospitals are in dire need of specialists. This is the case when the quality of patient care depends on their quantity. Therefore, at the December meeting of heads of budgetary organizations, the head of the Agency V.V. Chistyakov discussed the issue of providing medical personnel to medical institutions in the Ashinsky municipal district. Head of the Health Department of the AMR Administration O.A. Kurchatova spoke about the state of affairs in this area.

“AMR healthcare institutions are provided with 50% of doctors, 72% of paramedical personnel, and 77% of junior medical staff,” said Olga Anatolyevna. — In terms of the total number of medical personnel, we are somewhere in the middle of regional indicators.

At the same time, modern conditions require medical organizations to carry out certain measures to optimize their staff. Thus, in 2012, 77 units were cut: three

- nursing staff, 49 - junior, 25 - other, two pediatricians from the Minyar City Hospital resigned due to retirement. In 2013, 46 staff positions were reduced. These included non-medical positions, for example, carpenters who worked in medical institutions. According to the recommendation of the regional Health Insurance Fund, they should not be in the state and paid for from its funds. All recommendations of the Foundation are implemented.

“Also, in order to bring all indicators and bed standards to federal standards, we are reducing the round-the-clock hospital and increasing the day care at clinics,” continued Olga Anatolyevna. — The building of the infectious diseases department and the former pathological-anatomical building of the Minyarsk City Hospital were removed from operational management. We are redistributing functional responsibilities and changing the scope of work of medical staff.

In pursuance of Presidential Decree No. 597, medical institutions are taking measures to increase the wages of medical workers and bring the average wage to the level of the average wage in the Chelyabinsk region.

The average salary level predicted for the beginning of 2014 in the Chelyabinsk region is 24,990 rubles.

In this regard, the average salary level for medical workers at the beginning of the year in healthcare should reach: for doctors - almost 32.6 thousand rubles, for nursing staff - 19 thousand rubles. What are the numbers in our area?

— In the Ashinsky district, the average salary of medical workers for 2013 . looks like this: doctors received an average of 38.3 thousand rubles, nurses - 19.4 thousand rubles, junior medical staff - 11.2 thousand rubles, - said O.A. Kurchatova. — In this case, the entire volume of funds received is taken into account, including birth certificates and paid services. All data is submitted to the regional Ministry of Health.

One of the main measures to achieve indicative indicators is the reorganization of medical institutions in the form of their merger. This issue needs to be resolved in the near future. The head of the district, V.V. Chistyakov, commented on this topic.

“Optimization will only affect the management apparatus,” said Viktor Vladimirovich. “So, for example, there are two hospitals on the territory of Asha, and, therefore, two chief doctors, two accounting departments and economists, which is wasteful. We have reviewed the optimization plan. First of all, it is planned to merge the Sima and Kropachevo hospitals. Next in line are Asha’s medical institutions. The next thing that worries us very much is the shortage of medical personnel. This is a serious issue that needs to be addressed. There is no finance yet to purchase housing for doctors, but we will solve the problem.

As reported by the head of the Department of Health of the USA, O.A. Kurchatov, in the last two years only one specialist came to Sim after his internship. Two graduates of the Medical Academy, who were supposed to return to the region, went into private business. Unfortunately, in general, only 30% of medical school graduates come to regional hospitals, the rest are employed in private clinics. IN 2013 . At the request of the Health Department of the AMR Administration, the Ashinsky Municipal District was allocated 3 targeted places for admitting students to study at the South Ural State Medical University, who after graduation must return to work in our hospitals. Over the past 3 years, the administration of the Ashinsky district has purchased 4 apartments for doctors.

— Now, for example, there is a question about a pediatrician in Kropachevo. There is a good apartment. In my opinion, it is necessary to return to the proven system of distribution of university graduates. Then the issue of personnel shortage would be resolved faster,” added O.A. Kurchatova.

“To summarize what has been said, it should be noted that the region constantly provides assistance to the healthcare of our region,” V.V. concluded the discussion of this issue. Chistyakov. — This includes significant financial investments in hospital renovations and the opening of new departments (hemodialysis at ACCH), modern equipment. Just last December, five ambulances were added to the fleet of our hospitals. That is, the issues are being resolved. Perhaps not as quickly as we would like.

Prepared by N. Chalova

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“Not all people are genetically predisposed to outstanding strength indicators,” concluded the author of the article, Timko Ilya. But I beg to differ with the author’s opinion. Because I think that 99% everything depends on the person himself and 1% on his “genetics or talent.” Indeed, some are naturally given more, others less. There are people who have a larger number of fast (white) muscle fibers, while others, on the contrary, have slow (red) muscle fibers. But, most of the muscle fibers are intermediate. During training, intermediate muscle fibers acquire characteristics of both fast and slow. They cannot completely rebuild, but in fact this is not necessary. Therefore, among professional athletes the ratio between muscle fibers is almost the same. Muscle volume increases in all people, regardless of genetics, just in some faster, in others more slowly, it depends on hormones, nutrition and the training process. If someone is “given” more, it will take them less time and effort. The innervation of muscle fibers directly depends on the frequency and strength of muscle excitation; in simple words, the more often you strain a muscle (by training), the better it is innervated, so this process is also highly susceptible to training. With tendons the situation is exactly the same as with muscles, they hypertrophy perfectly, it’s just that this process is extremely slow, usually taking 2 times longer than muscle hypertrophy. This is why injuries so often occur in young “chemists”, whose muscles grow quickly, but their tendons cannot keep up with them. The number of muscle fibers is a very important factor, given that muscle cells are not susceptible to hyperplasia (division). But, by and large, it is negligible, and the argument is that one muscle fiber can increase 6 times. Professor Seluyanov spoke about this more than once. The only thing that really affects the “given or talent for strength indicators” is the length of the bones and the places of muscle attachment. But, this is true in theory and even logically, but in practice there are a very large number of people who simply by all indicators should not lift, but they lift a lot, so in my understanding the most important factor is psycho-emotional arousal. You can lift any weight - all the limitations are in your head, don’t look for excuses: “I have long arms, it’s hard to press.” Look for opportunities: “but my muscles are elastic, I’ll get into a bridge and gain muscle mass.”

By the way, you can order yourself