When did the February Revolution of 1917 begin? February Revolution: briefly

In 1917, the autocratic system that had existed for several centuries collapsed in Russia. This event had a huge impact on the fate of Russia and the whole world.

Russia and World War

In the summer of 1914, Russia found itself drawn into a world war with Germany and its allies.

The Fourth State Duma unconditionally supported the government. She called on the people to rally around Nicholas II - “their sovereign leader.” All political parties, with the exception of the Bolsheviks, put forward the slogan of defense of their fatherland. The liberals, led by Miliukov, abandoned their opposition to tsarism during the war and put forward the slogan: “Everything for the war! Everything for victory!

The people initially supported the war. However, gradually failures at the fronts began to cause anti-war sentiment.

Growing crisis

The civil peace that all parties except the Bolsheviks called for did not last long. The deterioration of the economic situation of the people, which is inevitable in any war, caused open discontent. A wave of demonstrations with demands to improve their financial situation swept across the country. When dispersing demonstrations, troops used weapons (in Kostroma, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, etc.). Protests against the shootings sparked new mass repression authorities.

The opposition actions of the Duma in August 1915 displeased the Tsar. The Duma was dissolved ahead of schedule for the holidays. A political crisis began in the country.

In 1915, an economic crisis was brewing in Russia. Oil and coal production fell, and a number of industrial sectors reduced production. Due to a lack of fuel, wagons and locomotives, the railways could not cope with transportation. In the country, especially in major cities, cases of shortages of bread and food have become more frequent.

47% of able-bodied men from the village were drafted into the army. The government requisitioned 2.5 million horses for military needs. As a result, the area under cultivation has sharply decreased and yields have decreased. The lack of transport made it difficult to transport food to the cities in a timely manner. Prices for all types of goods grew rapidly in the country. The rise in prices quickly outpaced the increase in wages.

Tension grew in both the city and the countryside. The strike movement revived. The devastation of the village awakened the peasant movement.

Signs of collapse

The internal political situation in the country was unstable. Only six months before the February Revolution of 1917. - three chairmen of the Council of Ministers and two ministers of internal affairs were replaced. The adventurer, “friend” of the royal family, “holy elder” Grigory Rasputin enjoyed unquestioned authority at the top.

Rasputin (real name - Novykh) appeared in St. Petersburg in 1905, where he made acquaintances in high society. Possessing the gift of hypnosis, knowing the properties of medicinal herbs, Rasputin, thanks to his ability to stop bleeding in the heir to the throne Alexei, who was sick with hemophilia (blood incoagulability disease), gained enormous influence on the Tsar and Tsarina.

In 1915-1916 Rasputin achieved enormous influence on state affairs. “Rasputinism” was an expression of the extreme decay and decline of morals of the ruling elite. In order to save the monarchy, a conspiracy against Rasputin arose in the highest government circles. In December 1916 he was killed.

By the beginning of 1917, Russia was in a state of revolutionary crisis.

Uprising in Petrograd

The February Revolution broke out unexpectedly for all political parties. It began on February 23, when about 130 thousand workers took to the streets of Petrograd shouting: “Bread!”, “Down with the war!” Over the next two days, the number of strikers increased to 300 thousand (30% of all Petrograd workers). On February 25, the political strike became general. Demonstrators with red banners and revolutionary slogans from all over the city walked towards the center. The Cossacks sent to disperse the processions began to go over to their side.

On February 26, Sunday, the workers, as in previous days, moved from the outskirts to the city center, but were met with rifle volleys and machine-gun fire. The decisive day of the revolution was February 27, when first the Volyn regiment, and then other military units, went over to the side of the workers. The workers, together with the soldiers, captured the train stations, freed political prisoners from prisons, took possession of the Main Artillery Directorate, the arsenal and began to arm themselves.

At this time, Nicholas II was at Headquarters in Mogilev.

To suppress the uprising, he sent troops loyal to him to the capital, but on the approaches to Petrograd they were stopped and disarmed. The Tsar left Mogilev, intending to return to the capital. However, upon hearing that railways Ah, revolutionary detachments appeared, ordered to turn to Pskov, to the headquarters Northern Front. Here, at the Dno station, on March 2, Nicholas II signed the Manifesto abdicating the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail. But Michael also abdicated the throne the next day.

Thus, in a matter of days, the 300-year-old autocracy of the Romanov dynasty collapsed.

Establishment of dual power

Even before the overthrow of tsarism, on February 25-26, workers of a number of factories in Petrograd, on their own initiative, began elections of Soviets of Workers' Deputies. On February 27, the Petrograd Soviet (Petrosovet) was created, which immediately refused any compromises with the autocracy.

He appealed to the population of Russia with a request to support the labor movement, form local cells of power and take all matters into their own hands. The Petrograd Soviet adopted a number of important decisions that strengthened revolutionary power: on the creation of workers' militia at enterprises; about sending commissars to the city districts to organize Soviets there; about control over government agencies; on the publication of the official printed organ “Izvestia of the Petrograd Soviet”. 

Along with the Petrograd Soviet, another government arose in the country - the Provisional Government, consisting of cadets and Octobrists. In the first weeks, the Provisional Government carried out a broad democratization of society: political rights and freedoms were proclaimed, national and religious restrictions were abolished, an amnesty was declared, the police were abolished, and the arrest of Nicholas II was authorized. Immediate preparations began for the convening of a Constituent Assembly, which was to establish “the form of government and constitution of the country.” Therefore, the Provisional Government initially enjoyed the support of the population.

Thus, as a result of the February Revolution, a dual power was formed in the country: the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. At the same time, it was an interweaving of two political trends. The Provisional Government was the power of the bourgeoisie, the Petrograd Soviet - the proletariat and peasantry. Real power was in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet, which was dominated by the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. The dual power was especially clearly manifested in the army, the mainstay of power: the command staff recognized the power of the Provisional Government, and the vast majority of the soldiers recognized the power of the Soviets.

Meanwhile, the war continued, the economic situation in the country was increasingly deteriorating. The delay in reforms and elections to the Constituent Assembly, the indecisiveness of the Provisional Government - all this made popular the slogan of transferring power to the Soviets. Moreover, the masses, due to their inexperience in political activity, gravitated not towards parliamentary, but towards “forceful” methods of struggle.

On the way to the October Revolution

The victory of the February Revolution made it possible for revolutionaries who were in exile or exile to return to Petrograd. At the beginning of April, Lenin, Zinoviev and others returned to Russia. Lenin gave a speech to the Bolsheviks known as the April Theses. The main points that he put forward boiled down to the following: it is impossible to end the imperialist, predatory war waged by the Provisional Government in peace without the overthrow of capital. Therefore, we must move from the first stage of the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie, to the second stage, which will give power to the workers and poor peasants. Hence - no support for the Provisional Government. Councils of workers' deputies are the only possible form of revolutionary government. Not a parliamentary republic, but a Republic of Soviets. It is necessary to nationalize (transfer into state ownership) all lands, and all banks should be merged into one national one. Thus, the Bolsheviks set a course for the implementation of a socialist revolution.

In August 1917, the Soviets suppressed an attempt by right-wing forces to establish a military dictatorship with the help of General L. Kornilov. This further strengthened the authority of the Bolsheviks among the masses. Re-elections to the Soviets, which took place in September, consolidated the advantage of the Bolsheviks. The desire of the broad masses, the majority of workers and peasants for democracy in the communal form of the Soviets that they understood (election, collective decision-making, transfer of powers from lower to higher bodies, etc.) coincided with the main slogan of the Bolsheviks - “All power to the Soviets!” However, for the Bolsheviks, the Soviets are organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat. People inexperienced in politics did not understand this. Lenin's supporters managed to use the mood of the masses, their impatience, and thirst for equalizing justice to come to power. In October 1917, the Bolsheviks won not under socialist, but under democratic slogans understandable to the masses.

THIS IS INTERESTING TO KNOW

In the first days of the February Revolution, the Bolsheviks numbered only 24 thousand people, in April - 80 thousand, in July - 240 thousand, at the beginning of October - about 400 thousand people, i.e. in 7 months the number of the Bolshevik Party increased by more than 16.5 times. Workers made up the majority in it - over 60%.

Things were different in the village. There, at the end of 1917, there were only 203 Bolshevik cells, which included a little more than 4 thousand people.

By October 1917, the Socialist Revolutionary Party (SRs) numbered about 1 million people.

Used literature:
V. S. Koshelev, I. V. Orzhekhovsky, V. I. Sinitsa / World history Modern times XIX - early. XX century, 1998.

In February 1917, the second revolution took place in Russia after the events of 1905. Today we are talking briefly about the February Revolution of 1917: the causes of the popular uprising, the course of events and consequences.

Reasons

The revolution of 1905 was defeated. However, its failure did not destroy the prerequisites that led to the very possibility of its occurrence. It’s as if the disease had receded, but did not go away, hiding in the depths of the body, only to strike again one day. And all because the forcefully suppressed uprising of 1905-1907 was a treatment for external symptoms, while the root causes - social and political contradictions in the country continued to exist.

Rice. 1. The military joined the rebel workers in February 1917

12 years later, at the very beginning of 1917, these contradictions intensified, which led to a new, more serious explosion. The exacerbation occurred due to the following reasons:

• Russian participation in the First World War : a long and exhausting war required constant expenses, which led to economic devastation and, as a natural consequence of it, worsening poverty and the deplorable situation of the already poor masses;
• A number of fateful mistakes that were made by Russian Emperor Nicholas II in governing the country : refusal to revise agricultural policy, adventurous policy on Far East, defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, a penchant for mysticism, G. Rasputin’s admission to state affairs, military defeats in the First World War, unsuccessful appointments of ministers, military leaders, and more;
• Economic crisis: war requires large expenses and consumption, and therefore disruptions in the economy begin to occur (rising prices, inflation, the problem of food supply, the emergence of a card system, aggravation of transport problems);
• Crisis of power : frequent changes of governors, ignorance of the State Duma by the emperor and his entourage, an unpopular government that was responsible exclusively to the tsar, and much more.

Rice. 2. Destruction of the monument Alexander III during the events of February 1917

All of the above points did not exist in isolation. They were closely interconnected and gave rise to new conflicts: general dissatisfaction with the autocracy, distrust of the reigning monarch, the growth of anti-war sentiments, social tension, strengthening the role of left and opposition forces. The latter included such parties as the Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, Trudoviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, anarchists, as well as various national parties. Some called on the people for a decisive assault and overthrow of the autocracy, others led a confrontation with the tsarist government in the Duma.

Rice. 3. The moment of signing the manifesto on the abdication of the Tsar

Despite the different methods of struggle, the goals of the parties were the same: the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of a constitution, the establishment of a new system - a democratic republic, the establishment of political freedoms, the establishment of peace, the solution of pressing problems - national, land, labor. Since these tasks to transform the country were of a bourgeois-democratic nature, this uprising went down in history under the name the February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917.

Move

The tragic events of the second winter month of 1917 are summarized in the following table:

Event date	Event Description
	A strike by workers of the Putilov plant, who, due to a jump in food prices, demanded an increase in wages. The strikers were fired and some workshops were closed. However, workers at other factories supported the strikers.
	In Petrograd, a difficult situation arose with the delivery of bread and a card system was introduced. On this day, tens of thousands of people took to the streets with various demands for bread, as well as political slogans calling for the overthrow of the tsar and an end to the war.
	A multiple increase in the number of strikers from 200 to 305 thousand people. These were mainly workers, joined by artisans and office workers. The police were unable to restore calm, and the troops refused to go against the people.
	The meeting of the State Duma was postponed from February 26 to April 1 according to the decree of the emperor. But this initiative was not supported, as it looked more like dissolution.
	An armed uprising took place, which was joined by the army (Volynsky, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky battalions, armored vehicle division, Semenovsky and Izmailovsky regiments). As a result, the telegraph, bridges, train stations, the Main Post Office, the Arsenal, and the Kronverk Arsenal were captured. The State Duma, which did not accept its dissolution, created a Temporary Committee, which was supposed to restore order on the streets of St. Petersburg.
	Power passes to the Provisional Committee. The Finnish, 180th Infantry Regiment, the sailors of the cruiser Aurora and the 2nd Baltic Fleet crew go over to the side of the rebels.
	The uprising spread to Kronstadt and Moscow.
	Nicholas II decided to abdicate the throne in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei. Regent was supposed to Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich is the emperor's younger brother. But as a result, the king abdicated the throne for his son.
	The manifesto on the abdication of Russian Emperor Nicholas II was published in all newspapers of the country. A Manifesto about the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich immediately followed.

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Today we examined the main causes of the February Revolution of 1917, which became the second in a row since 1905. In addition, the main dates of the events are named and their detailed description is given.

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Chapter I . Causes of the February Revolution of 1917.

1.1 Economic situation on the eve of February.

Attempts by a whole direction of Russian historiography (from the 20s and up to the 80s inclusive) led to the identification of contradictions accumulated by Russian society at the beginning of the 20th century. Without strictly connecting the pre-revolutionary and revolutionary periods, they make it possible to assess the degree of disintegration of society at which a revolution could take place.

To analyze the nature and significance of the causes of the revolution, they must be grouped. This will reveal not only the degree of tension in society, but also the scale of the upcoming transformations.

The economic prerequisites were determined by the need to overcome the country's dangerous lag behind the advanced industrial developed countries.

A sharp reduction in imports forced Russian industrialists to start producing domestic cars. According to data as of January 1, 1917, Russian factories produced more shells than French ones in August 1916 and twice as many as British ones. Russia produced 20 thousand light guns in 1916 and imported 5625.

Russia remained an agrarian-industrial country, where 70–75% of the population was employed in agriculture, which provided more than half of the national income. The development of industry led to the growth of cities, but the urban population accounted for less than 16% of the total population. A characteristic feature of Russian industry was high concentration, primarily territorial. Three quarters of the factories were located in six regions: Central Industrial with a center in Moscow, Northwestern in St. Petersburg, Baltic, in part of Poland, between Warsaw and Lodz, in the south (Donbass) and in the Urals. Russian industry was distinguished by the highest technical and production concentration in the world: 54% of workers worked in enterprises with more than 500 employees, and these enterprises accounted for only 5% total number plants and factories.

Foreign capital, encouraged by state policy, occupied important positions in the Russian economy. The main role here was played by loans provided to the government: their total amount reached 6 billion rubles, which was half of the external public debt. Most of the loans were provided by France. But these loans did not affect the development of production. Foreign investment directly in industrial enterprises and banks had a greater influence; they constituted more than a third of the total share capital in the country. The dependence of the Russian economy on foreign countries was exacerbated by the structure of foreign trade: exports consisted almost exclusively of agricultural products and raw materials, and imports of finished industrial products.

The concentration of production was accompanied by the concentration of capital. More than a third of all industrial capital was concentrated in the hands of approximately 4% of companies. The role of financial capital increased throughout the economy, including agriculture: seven St. Petersburg banks controlled half of the financial resources of the entire industry.

The revolution arose in the wake of the socio-economic crisis directly related to the war. The war sharply worsened Russia's financial situation. The costs of the war reached 30 billion rubles, which was three times higher than treasury revenues during this time. The war severed Russia's connection with the world market. The total public debt increased fourfold during this time and amounted to 34 billion rubles in 1917. Destruction railway transport exacerbated the problem of providing cities with raw materials, fuel, and food. For the same reason, industrial enterprises disrupted military orders. The country experienced a reduction in sown area, caused by the mobilization of more than 47% of the working-age male population into the army and the requisition of more than a third of peasant horses for military needs. Gross grain harvests in 1916-1917 amounted to 80% of pre-war levels. In 1916, the army consumed from 40 to 50% of the grain bread that usually went to market. The country was simultaneously experiencing a sugar famine (its production decreased from 126 to 82 million poods; cards and fixed prices were introduced), difficulties in the supply of meat (the main stock of livestock in the European part of Russia decreased by 5-7 million heads, meat prices increased by 200-220%).

Thus, we see that the Russian economy has undergone major changes since the beginning of the First World War. By 1917, the problems of capitalist modernization had not been solved. There were no conditions in the country for the free development of capitalism in agriculture and industry. The state continued to patronize entire sectors of industrial production, as a result of which the latter could not conduct independent economic activities in market conditions. Even the military industry, in its organization and methods, operated not on capitalist, but on semi-feudal and feudal grounds. Semi-serf production relations remained dominant in the countryside. The country's economic situation deteriorated sharply, which led to crises in the food and transport sectors.

1.2 Political situation on the eve of February.

By 1917, Russia maintained an absolute monarchy in the absence of a constitutional system and truly functioning political freedoms. The country has not formed a comprehensive social structure characteristic of developed bourgeois states. Because of this, the immaturity of the political movement, political parties and public organizations. The nobility remained a privileged class, whose power was based on large landownership. The bourgeoisie, including the financial and monopoly bourgeoisie, did not have full political rights and were only allowed by tsarism to participate in the management of the state.

Convinced that the tsarist government would not cope with the task of bringing the war to a “victorious end,” the bourgeoisie, represented by its public organizations, set the goal of creating a government that would fulfill the historical tasks of the bourgeoisie. For this purpose, an agreement was developed between various factions of the State Duma and the State Council on the formation of a parliamentary bloc.

In August 1915, the majority of Duma deputies - Cadets, Octobrists, other liberals, part of the right-wing Nationalist Party - united into the Progressive Bloc, led by the leader of the Cadets P.N. Miliukov. The bloc demanded to strengthen the principles of legality, to reform the zemstvo and local administration, and most importantly, to create a “ministry of public trust” (a government made up of figures close to liberal-bourgeois circles).

The tsar was convinced that only the monarchy enjoyed the trust of the people and could solve the great problems of the world war. Sensing an attack on his rights, Nicholas II began to appoint dignitaries of the security regiment to the government and remove ministers inclined to make concessions to the Duma. A “ministerial leapfrog” arose: in 1915-1916. four chairmen of the Council of Ministers, four military ministers, six interior ministers, and four justice ministers were replaced.

Trusting his immediate circle less and less, the tsar, who was at the front, began to entrust important state affairs to Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. Rasputin was gaining more and more influence at this time. Dark rumors spread in society about the German sympathies of the empress, a native German princess, that the government and command had completely fallen under the power of Rasputin and other “dark forces.” In November 1916, Miliukov spoke in the Duma with thunderous criticism of the government, ending it with rhetorical questions: “What is this - stupidity or treason?”

Liberal-bourgeois circles were deeply convinced that the tsarist circle and the bureaucracy, with their inept management, were pushing the country towards revolution. However, they themselves unwittingly brought this revolution closer by publicly criticizing the government. In an effort to “reason” with the authorities, public figures began to resort to extra-parliamentary, illegal methods: in December 1916, high-society conspirators led by the prominent right-wing figure V.M. Purishkevich killed Rasputin. At the same time, Guchkov and the generals close to him were developing a plan for a military coup: it was supposed to seize the Tsar’s train and force Nicholas II to sign an abdication in favor of Alexei’s heir during the regency, the Tsar’s brother Mikhail Alexandrovich. Meanwhile, behind the walls of the Duma and high society salons, a mass movement was growing. Strikes and unrest in the countryside occurred more and more often, there were cases of disobedience of troops, and the anti-war propaganda of the Bolsheviks attracted more and more supporters.

Thus, economic ruin and defeats at the front led to a deepening of the crisis of tsarism and a worsening of relations between the government and the State Duma. All this along with revolutionary movement predetermined the isolation of the Russian emperor and completely deprived him of socio-political support.

1.3 Social preconditions of the revolution.

The scale of the ripe and partly overripe problems was different, the goals and ideals of the struggle were seen as different, and the methods and means of achieving them were sometimes used opposite. In general, the “bouquet” of contradictions raised the activity of the most heterogeneous layers of the population, collectively giving birth to a huge tidal wave of social impatience. The war and its mobilization set the broad masses in motion. The political lack of rights of the masses also pushed them to anti-government protests.

With all the diversity of mature social and other conflicts, several stood out among them, creating special broad streams of social activity.

By all accounts, the main one for Russia remained the agrarian question, around the solution of which the agrarian-peasant revolution unfolded. It had its own “actors”, its own specific social interests, political organizations (the land issue was considered in the program documents of most parties, but especially the populist, Socialist Revolutionary movement), ideology and ideals (enshrined in peasant orders). The intensity of peasant uprisings ultimately determined the temperature of opposition sentiment in the country.

With the industrialization of the country, the organizational and ideological unity of workers who relied on the poorest strata, hired workers in the countryside, the proletarian-poor stream took shape as a relatively independent stream.

Just as quickly, a full-flowing national liberation movement, fueled by the struggle of numerous ethnic groups for their political, economic, religious, and cultural rights, found its way.

During the war, an anti-war movement was formed, in which representatives of different segments of the population participated.

The most active, offensive, mass, organized (to the extent that this was possible in the conditions of autocracy, reaction after the suppression of the first revolution), absorbing the “juices” of parallel opposition and revolutionary movements, was the social movement united under the banner of democratization, changing the political regime, establishing a constitutional order. It was the most advanced in terms of the degree of real gains (the beginnings of a constitution and parliamentarism, the strengthening of zemstvos and city dumas), theoretical justification, and the presence of national leaders (represented mainly in the First - Fourth Dumas).

The economic and political crisis further increased the social discontent of the lower classes. Real wages during the war years (taking into account rising prices) it was 80-85% of the pre-war level. The working day was ten hours. Beginning in 1915, the growth of the strike labor movement in cities and industrial centers became noticeable: in 1915 - 0.6 million people, in 1916 - 1.2 million. The main form of class struggle in these years was economic strikes. There was an increase in desertion and fraternization in the army. By 1917, the peasantry entered into the struggle to transform all types of land ownership. The number of peasant uprisings (in 280 counties) in 1915 was 177, in 1916 – 290.

So the combination different types movements created the possibility of a one-time activation, a one-time surge of accumulated social activity.

Unresolved social contradictions, defeats in the second war and a decade of functioning in Russia of the institution of legal political opposition, with its inherent instruments of influencing the masses - the press, the Duma department - have done their job. The current situation explains both the reason for the revolution that began in February 1917 and the specific circumstances that led to the explosion of popular discontent. It also leads to an understanding of a more general problem - the degree to which society is “overheated” by social discontent, at which only a pretext was needed to start a revolutionary collapse.

Chapter II . Events of the February Revolution of 1917.

2.1 The beginning and course of the revolution.

All questions remaining after 1905-1907. unresolved - the agrarian, labor, national, question of power - came to the surface during the years of severe political and military crisis and led to the second revolution in Russia, which, like the first, had a bourgeois-democratic character. It solved the problems of overthrowing the autocracy, opened the way for the development of capitalism in agriculture and industry, the introduction of a constitutional system, ensuring political freedoms of citizens, and the destruction of national oppression.

The February-March revolution was fleeting in pace, extremely broad in the composition of participants in the revolutionary uprising, spontaneous, chaotic in the volume of priority tasks being solved, metropolitan in the nature of the transformations (change of central government).

The revolution that began from its first acts was characterized by important feature, which consisted in the absence of organized, cohesive resistance. Not a single social group, not a single region of the country acted openly under the banner of counter-revolution. Supporters of the overthrown regime went into the shadows, no longer playing significant role in political struggle. This initial ease of victory expanded the boundaries of possible transformations to the limit.

By the second half of February 1917, the capital's food supply had deteriorated significantly. “Tails” stretched along the streets of Petrograd (as St. Petersburg began to be called in 1914) - queues for bread. The situation in the city was heating up. On February 18, the largest Putilov plant went on strike; other businesses supported him. On February 23 (new style - March 8), the Bolsheviks organized strikes and rallies in honor of International Women's Day. The Bolsheviks and representatives of other revolutionary democratic parties and groups explained the reasons for unemployment and food difficulties by the indifference of the authorities to the needs of the people and called for a fight against tsarism. The call was taken up - strikes and demonstrations unfolded with unstoppable force. On February 23, 128 thousand workers and workers of Petrograd took to the streets. An uprising broke out, marking the beginning of the February Revolution of 1917.

On February 24, the scale of strikes and walkouts in the capital began to grow rapidly. On this day, 214 thousand workers went on strike. Clashes began with the police and the units of the reserve regiments stationed in Petrograd that supported them. On February 25, the movement grew into a general strike under the slogans: “Bread, peace, freedom!” 305 thousand workers took part in it. On this day, for the first time, partial fraternization of troops with the rebellious people and the transition to their side of individual military units.

The authorities assessed everything that happened as ordinary riots and did not show any particular alarm. But on February 26, they came to their senses and moved on to more active actions: in a number of areas of the city, police and troops shot at demonstrators. Members of the Petrograd Bolshevik Committee were arrested. But the shootings of demonstrators further inflamed the situation.

On February 27, a decisive turning point came in the course of events: the soldiers of the reserve battalions of the guard regiments stationed in Petrograd, among whom there were many recruits, as well as wounded soldiers returning from the front, began en masse to go over to the side of the revolutionary workers. The strike developed into an armed uprising. And by the end of the day on February 27 and especially on February 28, the uprising of workers and soldiers in Petrograd acquired a general character. 385 thousand strikers, uniting with soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, captured the Arsenal and the Main Artillery Directorate. Armed, the rebels freed prisoners from prisons, taking possession of virtually the entire city. On March 1, the remnants of troops loyal to the government laid down their arms.

Thus, the revolutionary events in Petrograd in February 1917 occurred due to the extremely difficult economic situation in the country caused by the war and the reluctance to take urgent measures to stabilize the situation. A protracted government crisis, the collapse of the central and local government at a moment of colossal tension of forces and at the same time the stubborn reluctance of the autocracy and the state apparatus to share the governance of the country with the moderate forces of Russian society - such was the situation in the country by the end of February 1917.

The victory of the February Uprising brought radical changes to the socio-political situation in the country. Its main result was that “the development of revolutionary sentiment among the proletariat took such forms that it was no longer possible to fight them without the support of armed force, which, unsettled, refused to obey the State Duma and the Provisional Government.”

Chapter III . Changes in society and state system after the February Revolution of 1917.

3.1 Fall of the House of Romanov.

The victorious uprising in the capital overturned the calculations of the leaders of the liberal community. They did not at all seek to destroy the monarchy, realizing that the fall of traditional statehood would undermine order and cause popular riots. The leaders of the Duma wanted to limit themselves to the introduction of a “responsible ministry” (i.e., a government appointed by the Duma), but the mood of the masses clearly showed that such a measure was no longer sufficient.

The question arose about the abdication of Nicholas II; All front commanders spoke out for this. On the night of March 2-3, the tsar signed a manifesto of abdication for himself and Alexei in favor of Mikhail Alexandrovich, explaining that he did not want to endanger his son. This violated the law of succession to the throne, according to which each member of the royal family could abdicate only for himself, and it became possible in the future to declare such abdication invalid. But this act was too late: Michael did not dare to become emperor, declaring that the question of power should be decided by the Constituent Assembly.

With the abdication of Nicholas II, the legal system that emerged in Russia in April 1906 ceased to exist. No other legal system has been created to regulate the activities of the state and its relationship with society.

The fall of the autocracy exposed the depth of socio-political contradictions in the country. Main negative results the overthrow of the autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered:

1. The transition from evolutionary development of society to development according to revolutionary path, which inevitably led to an increase in the number of violent crimes against individuals and attacks on property rights in society.

2. Significant weakening of the army (as a result of revolutionary agitation in the army and “Order No. 1”), a drop in its combat effectiveness and, as a consequence, its ineffective further struggle on the fronts of the First World War.

3. Destabilization of society, which led to a deep split in the existing civil society in Russia. As a result, there was a sharp increase in class contradictions in society, the growth of which during 1917 led to the transfer of power into the hands of radical forces, which ultimately served as the beginning of the Civil War in Russia.

Main positive result overthrow of the autocracy The February Revolution in Russia can be considered a short-term consolidation of society due to the adoption of a number of democratic legislative acts and a real chance for society, on the basis of this consolidation, to resolve many long-standing contradictions in the country's social development. However, as subsequent events showed, the country's leaders who came to power as a result of the February Revolution were unable to take advantage of these real chances.

Thus, the announcement of two abdications at once meant the final victory of the revolution - as unexpected as its beginning. The monarchy in Russia fell, and its last representatives died a year later: Nikolai and his family were taken to Siberia and shot in Yekaterinburg on July 17, 1918, while Mikhail, exiled to Perm, was killed by local workers.

3.2 The formation of dual power.

From the very first steps of the revolution, a deep split emerged between the forces opposing the old government. The interests of the “qualified public”, which elected the majority of Duma deputies, were represented by Temporary Committee of the State Duma, created on February 27 under the leadership of Duma Chairman M.V. Rodzianko. On the same day, side by side with the Committee (in the neighboring halls of the Tauride Palace, the residence of the Duma), Petrograd Soviet- a body that reflected the interests of the masses. At first, the contradictions between the two centers of power were smoothed out: the majority in the Council were the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, and they stood for cooperation with liberal-bourgeois circles.

On March 2, in agreement with the Petrograd Soviet, the Temporary Committee of the State Duma created government, called Temporary, because should have existed before the convening of the Constituent Assembly. At this meeting of representatives from all regions of Russia, it was supposed to resolve the most important issues of the country's socio-political structure, including the question of the form of government.

The declaration of the Provisional Government, published on March 3, contained a program of priority reforms. It declared amnesty for political prisoners, proclaimed freedom of speech, press and assembly, and abolished national and religious restrictions. The Declaration spoke about the upcoming convocation of the Constituent Assembly and elections to local governments, the refusal to send troops of the revolutionary Petrograd garrison to the front and the provision of civil rights to soldiers, and the replacement of the police with the people's militia. The implementation of this program moved the country far along the path of constitutionalism and democracy.

Simultaneously with the system of public administration created by the Provisional Government both in the center and locally, Soviets at various levels became widespread throughout Russia. Among them, the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies predominated. Councils of Peasant Deputies soon began to form in rural areas.

In the February days, the Soviets actually took power. They were able to launch factories and transport, organize the publication of newspapers, fight banditry and profiteering, and establish order in the city. Already in March 1917, the number of local Soviets increased to 600. The executive committees of local Soviets were subordinate to the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet.

However, formally and legally, state power was in the hands of the Provisional Government. It was in charge of appointments, issued decrees and proclamations, which acquired the force of law with the support of the Council. Otherwise, the government would lose its footing. The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Petrograd Soviet sought to prevent this and provide the government with full support.

Overall, this created a unique situation in the country. dual power The Provisional Government, on the one hand, and the Soviets, on the other, which lasted from early March to early July 1917.

The main task of the Provisional Government was to prepare for the Constituent Assembly, designed to determine the form government structure new Russia, and accordingly all his activities were built on the principles of “deferred decisions.” In an environment of dual power, this created a significant threat to the development of Russian statehood after the collapse of the monarchy.

The main issue that required an immediate solution was the problem of continuing the bloody war. Government G.E. Lvov, declaring Russia’s loyalty to its allied duty and its further participation in the war on the side of the Entente (Milyukov’s note dated April 18, 1917), caused a powerful wave of indignation.

The political situation in the country was destabilized. Left forces, primarily representatives of revolutionary democracy within the Soviets, demanded from the government immediate reforms and peace “without annexations and indemnities.” Shortly before this, on April 3, Bolshevik leader V.I. returned to Petrograd from emigration. Lenin. He put forward the slogan about the development of the “bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one.” Under his leadership, the Bolsheviks pushed the Soviets to take power into their own hands and create a truly revolutionary democratic government.

The April crisis forced P.N. to resign. Milyukova and A.I. Guchkov, revealing the weakness of the socio-political base of the Provisional Government, and led to the formation of its first coalition composition on May 5, 1917. The new government included 6 socialists, including the leader of the Socialist Revolutionaries V.M. Chernov, Menshevik leader I.G. Tsereteli. Kerensky took the post of military and Minister of the Navy. However, despite this, it was not possible to stabilize the situation. The worker's uncertainty and agrarian issues in the country, as well as the exacerbation of national separatism on the outskirts former empire seriously weakened the position of the cabinet, which was still headed by G.E. Lviv. The first coalition government lasted about two months (until July 2). In June, it experienced a political crisis, which was associated with a strike by workers at 29 factories in Petrograd.

The Bolsheviks, with their simple, accessible slogans, noticeably increased their influence among the masses. At the First Congress of Soviets in June 1917, Lenin openly declared that his party was ready to immediately take complete power. This was reinforced by powerful demonstrations in support of the Soviets, where by that time the Bolsheviks were gradually beginning to dominate.

As a result, in the summer of 1917, Russia was faced with a choice: either the Constituent Assembly, the preparations for which were led by the Provisional Government, or the Soviets. The July crisis erupted on July 2 when the Cadets left the government in protest against concessions to the Ukrainian “separatists.” It became extremely acute on July 3-4, when an armed demonstration of thousands of soldiers, sailors, and workers took place in the capital with the aim of putting pressure on the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to create a Soviet government. However, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee declared the demonstration a “Bolshevik conspiracy” and rejected the demands of the masses. The Commander-in-Chief of the Petrograd Military District ordered the cadets and Cossacks to disperse the demonstrators. For the same purpose, troops of 15-16 thousand people arrived from the Northern Front. To the commander Baltic Fleet was ordered to be sent to the capital warships, but he did not obey the order. Members of counter-revolutionary organizations fired at the demonstrators. 56 people were killed and 650 wounded. Petrograd was declared under martial law. The arrests of Bolsheviks, the disarmament of workers, and the disbandment of “rebellious” military units began. On July 6, Kerensky ordered the arrest of V.I. Lenin, who managed to escape. He was accused of both organizing an “armed rebellion” and espionage for Germany. At the same time, the leaders of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee recognized the Provisional Government as having “unlimited powers and unlimited power.”

Thus, the dual power ended with the defeat of the Soviets. It constituted the main feature of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution.

The abdication of Nicholas II from the throne created a vacuum of political power into which many political parties and movements poured. The struggle for power became one of the main features of the political development of Russia in 1917.

At the same time, the rapid collapse of the old political system and the inability of new political forces to establish an effective public administration predetermined the collapse of a single centralized state. These two trends were leading in the political development of the country in 1917.

3.3 Changes in the activities of political parties.

The rivalry between the Provisional Government and the Soviets reflected the struggle between the main political parties: the Cadets, Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks.

Mensheviks viewed the February revolution as a nationwide, nationwide, class-wide revolution. Therefore, their main political line in the development of events after February was the creation of a government based on a coalition of forces not interested in the restoration of the monarchy.

The views on the nature and tasks of the revolution were similar right socialist revolutionaries(A.F. Kerensky, N.D. Avksentyev), as well as from the leader of the party, who occupied centrist positions, V. Chernov. February, in their opinion, is the apogee of the revolutionary process and liberation movement in Russia. They saw the essence of the revolution in Russia in achieving civil harmony, reconciliation of all layers of society and, first of all, reconciliation of supporters of war and revolution in order to implement a program of social reforms.

The position was different left socialist revolutionaries, its leader M.A. Spiridonova, who believed that the popular, democratic February in Russia marked the beginning of the political and social world revolution.

This position was close to the most radical party in Russia in 1917 - Bolsheviks. Recognizing the bourgeois-democratic character of the February revolution, they saw the enormous revolutionary potential of the masses, the enormous opportunities arising from the hegemony of the proletariat in the revolution. Therefore, they considered February 1917 as the first stage of the struggle and set the task of preparing the masses for the socialist revolution. This position, formulated by V.I. Lenin, was not shared by all Bolsheviks, but after the VII (April) Conference of the Bolshevik Party, it became the general direction of its activities. The task was to attract the masses to their side through the deployment of agitation and propaganda. In the period from April to July 1917, the Bolsheviks considered it possible to carry out a peaceful socialist revolution, but the political situation in the country that changed in July reoriented their tactics: they set a course for an armed uprising.

In this regard, L.D.’s point of view on the February revolution is also interesting. Trotsky - a prominent political figure in revolutionary Russia. He viewed the February revolution as an episode on the road to the dictatorship of the proletariat.

So, the political positions of individual parties in February 1917 looked ambiguous. The most moderate ones - the Cadets, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries - occupied centrist positions in their theoretical views, and in politics they were inclined to compromise with the Cadets. The left radical flank was occupied by the Socialist Revolutionaries, Bolsheviks, Trotsky and his supporters.

Conclusion

The second bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russian history ended in victory. Starting in Petrograd, by March 1 the revolution won in Moscow, and then it was supported throughout the country. After the victory of the February Revolution, Russia turned into one of the most democratic countries in Europe. However, the most important political question of power did not receive a complete solution during the revolution. The formation of dual power did not consolidate, but further divided Russian society. All this, along with the delay in solving the main problems of bourgeois-democratic transformations, led to a deepening of the revolutionary process in the post-February period.

February 1917 drew a line under the history of the Romanov dynasty. After the collapse of the monarchy, for all political classes, parties and their political leaders, for the first time in Russian history the opportunity to come to power opened up. To a certain extent, the February Revolution of 1917 opened up a state of civil war in Russia, not in a military sense, but in a socio-political sense, i.e. the struggle for political power between parties and classes.

So, was the Bolshevik revolution inevitable and civil war? February gave the peoples of Russia a chance for peaceful development along the path of reform, but for many reasons: the reluctance and inability of the Provisional Government and the classes behind it to solve the problems of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, the refusal of the Petrograd Soviet and the parties that made up the majority in it to actually take state power and finally, the absence of any traditions of political democracy in all strata of society and the obsessive belief in violence as the path to solving all problems - this chance remained unrealized.

The first stage of the 1917 revolution in Russia, which took place in early March (according to the Julian calendar - at the end of February - beginning of March). It began with mass anti-government protests by Petrograd workers and soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, and as a result led to the abolition of the monarchy in Russia and the establishment of the power of the Provisional Government. In the Soviet historical science characterized as "bourgeois".

Russia on the eve of the revolution

Of all the great powers of Europe that participated in the First World War, Russia entered it as the weakest economically. Then, in August 1914, in Petrograd it was believed that the war would last only a few months. But the hostilities dragged on. The military industry could not satisfy the demands of the army, the transport infrastructure was underdeveloped. Morale declined not only in the army, but also in the rear: village residents were dissatisfied with the departure of able-bodied workers to the army, the requisition of horses, and the reduction in the supply of urban manufactured goods; townspeople - tension in enterprises, rising costs and supply disruptions. By the beginning of 1917, the socio-economic situation Russian Empire has deteriorated significantly. It became increasingly difficult for the state to maintain the army and provide food to the cities; dissatisfaction with the military hardships grew among the population and among the troops.

The progressive public was outraged by what was happening at the top, criticizing the unpopular government, the frequent change of governors and ignoring the Duma. In conditions of passivity of state power, committees and associations were created throughout the country to solve problems that the state could no longer solve: the Red Cross Committee tried to control the sanitary situation in the country, Zemsky and city unions - all-Russian military-public organizations - tried to centralize the supply of the army. The Central Military-Industrial Committee (TsVPK) in Petrograd became a kind of parallel ministry.

A new wave of strikes and strikes swept the cities. In January-February, the number of strikers reached 700 thousand people; 200 thousand workers took part in the strike alone on the occasion of the 12th anniversary of Bloody Sunday in Petrograd. In some cities, demonstrators marched under the slogans “Down with autocracy!” Anti-war sentiment grew and gained popularity. Russian Social Democrats (Bolsheviks), whose leader V.I. Lenin became one of the most prominent figures in the Russian political emigration, called for the conclusion of a separate peace. Lenin's anti-war program was to turn the imperialist war into a civil war. More moderate Social Democrats, such as N. S. Chkheidze and Trudovik leader A. F. Kerensky, called themselves “defenseists” and advocated waging a defensive war in the name of the Motherland, but not autocracy.

The authorities missed the opportunity to correct the situation: the emperor and his entourage consistently rejected proposals from liberal circles to expand the powers of the Duma and attract popular figures to the government. Instead, a course was taken to neutralize the opposition: organizations that advocated the reorganization of power were closed, and instructions were sent to the army and police to suppress possible unrest.

Start of strikes in Petrograd

On February 19, due to transport difficulties in Petrograd, the food supply deteriorated. Food cards were introduced in the city. The next day, huge queues formed outside the empty bakeries. On the same day, the administration of the Putilov plant declared a lockout due to interruptions in the supply of raw materials, and as a result, 36 thousand workers lost their livelihoods. The government sided with the plant administration. Strikes in solidarity with the Putilovites took place in all districts of the capital. Representatives of the legal Duma opposition (Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, Trudovik A. F. Kerensky) tried to establish contacts with illegal organizations. A committee was created to prepare a demonstration on February 23 (March 8, new style), International Women's Day. Then up to 129 thousand people were already on strike - a third of all workers in Petrograd. They were supported by the intelligentsia, students, office workers, and artisans. IN educational institutions classes stopped. The Bolsheviks initially did not support the initiative to demonstrate on this day and joined it at the last moment. In the evening, the authorities introduced the so-called 3rd situation in the capital - thus, from February 24, the city was transferred to the responsibility of the military. The police were mobilized and reinforced by Cossack and cavalry units, troops occupied the main administrative buildings, and river police - crossings across the Neva. Military outposts were established on the main streets and squares, and they were connected by horse patrols.

The spontaneous movement grew like an avalanche. On February 24, more than 200 thousand people went on strike, and on February 25 - more than 30 thousand. The strike grew into a general strike. Workers from all areas flocked to the city center, taking roundabout routes past police barriers. Economic slogans gave way to political ones: cries of “Down with the Tsar!” were heard more and more often. and “Down with war!” Armed squads were formed at the factories. The Emperor was not aware of the scale of what was happening: on February 25, he ordered the commander of the Petrograd Military District to stop the unrest in the capital until the next day, but by this time the general was no longer able to do anything. On February 25-26, the first clashes between strikers and the police and gendarmerie occurred; hundreds of people were killed or injured, many were arrested. On February 26 alone, more than 150 people died on Nevsky Prospect and Znamenskaya Square. On the same day, Nicholas II issued a decree dissolving the State Duma, thereby missing the chance to transition to a constitutional monarchy.

Demonstrations turn into revolution

On the night of February 27, some of the soldiers and officers of the “elite” Volyn and Preobrazhensky regiments rebelled. Within a few hours, most of the regiments of the 200,000-strong Petrograd military garrison followed their example. The military began to go over to the side of the demonstrators and take over their protection. The military command tried to bring new units to Petrograd, but the soldiers did not want to participate in the punitive operation. One military unit after another took the side of the rebels. The soldiers attached red bows to their hats and bayonets. The work of authorities, including the government, was paralyzed, strategically important points and infrastructure facilities - stations, bridges, government offices, post office, central telegraph - came under the control of the rebels. The demonstrators also seized the Arsenal, where they took more than one hundred thousand guns. The mass uprising, now armed, was joined not only by soldiers, but also by prisoners, including criminals released from the capital’s prisons. Petrograd was overwhelmed by a wave of robberies, murders and robbery. Police stations were subjected to pogroms, and the police themselves were subjected to lynching: law enforcement officers were caught and, at best, beaten, and sometimes killed on the spot. Not only released criminals, but also mutinous soldiers engaged in looting. Members of the government were arrested and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

The center of the uprising was the Tauride Palace, where the Duma had previously met. On February 27, the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was spontaneously formed here with the participation of Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, trade union leaders and cooperators. This body appealed to the collectives of factories and factories to elect their representatives to the Petrograd Soviet. By the end of the same day, the first dozens of deputies were registered, and they were joined by delegates from military units. The first meeting of the Council opened in the evening. The Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Council was the leader of the Social Democratic faction of the Duma, the Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, his deputies were the Trudovik A. F. Kerensky and the Menshevik M. I. Skobelev. The Executive Committee also included Bolsheviks P. A. Zalutsky and A. G. Shlyapnikov. The forces grouped around the Petrograd Soviet began to position themselves as representatives of “revolutionary democracy.” The first thing the Council took up was solving the problems of defense and food supply.

Meanwhile, in the next hall of the Tauride Palace, the Duma leaders, who refused to obey the decree of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the Duma, were forming a government. On February 27, the “Provisional Committee of Members of the State Duma” was established, declaring itself the bearer of supreme power in the country. The committee was headed by Duma Chairman M.V. Rodzianko, and the body included representatives of all Duma parties, with the exception of the extreme right. The committee members created a broad political program for the transformations necessary for Russia. Their first priority was to restore order, especially among the soldiers. To do this, the Provisional Committee needed to come to an agreement with the Petrograd Soviet.

Nicholas's abdicationII

Nicholas II spent all days from February 24 to 27 at the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev. Poorly and untimely informed, he was sure that only “unrest” was taking place in the capital. On February 27, he dismissed the head of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov and appointed General N.I. Ivanov to this position, giving him the order to “put an end to the unrest.” Chief of Staff of the Headquarters M.V. Alekseev ordered Ivanov to refrain from using forceful methods of establishing order and by the evening of February 28, having secured the support of the front commanders, he convinced Nicholas II to agree to the formation of a government responsible to the Duma.

On the same day, February 28, the monarch left Headquarters for Tsarskoe Selo - there, in the imperial residence, were his wife, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, and their children, who were suffering from measles. On the way, his train was detained by order of the revolutionary authorities and redirected to Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located. A delegation of the Provisional Committee of State Duma members also went there to propose that the emperor abdicate the throne in favor of his son Alexei under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, the younger brother of Nicholas II. The Duma members' proposal was supported by the command of the army (fronts, fleets and Headquarters). On March 2, Nicholas II signed an act of abdication in favor of his brother. In Petrograd, this step caused a flurry of protests. Ordinary participants in the revolution and socialists from the Petrograd Soviet resolutely opposed the monarchy in any form, and the Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky noted that he could not vouch for the life of the new monarch, and already on March 3, Grand Duke Mikhail abdicated the throne. In his act of abdication, he declared that the future of the monarchy would be decided by the Constituent Assembly. Thus, the monarchy in Russia ceased to exist.

Formation of a new government

By the morning of March 2, long and tense negotiations between the two centers of power - the Provisional Committee and the Petrograd Soviet - ended. On this day, the composition of the new government headed by Prince G. E. Lvov was announced. Before the convening of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, the government declared itself Provisional. The declaration of the Provisional Government set out a program of priority reforms: amnesty for political and religious affairs, freedom of speech, press and assembly, abolition of classes and restrictions on religious and national grounds, replacement of the police with people's militia, elections to local governments. Fundamental questions- about the political system of the country, agrarian reform, self-determination of peoples - was supposed to be decided after the convening of the Constituent Assembly. Exactly what new government did not resolve two main issues - about ending the war and about land - which were later taken into service by the Bolsheviks in the struggle for power.

On March 2, addressing the “sailors, soldiers and citizens” gathered in the Catherine Hall, P. N. Milyukov announced the creation of the Provisional Government. He said that Prince Lvov would become the head of the government, and he himself would head the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The cadet leader's speech was received with great enthusiasm. The only representative of the Soviets who received a ministerial post was the Trudovik A.F. Kerensky.

Results of the February Revolution

The February Revolution exposed the deep socio-economic, political and spiritual contradictions of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. Various social groups tried to defend their interests and solve accumulated problems. This led to the activation of existing organizations and the emergence of new ones that sought to put pressure on the authorities. Following the example of Petrograd, Soviets began to appear throughout the country - in March 1917, there were about 600 of them in provincial, district and industrial centers alone. Soldiers' committees were formed in the army, which quickly became the real masters of military units. By May 1917, there were already almost 50 thousand such committees, containing up to 300 thousand soldiers and officers. Workers at enterprises united into factory committees (FZK). In large cities, detachments of the Red Guard and workers' militia were formed. The number of trade unions reached two thousand by June.

The February Revolution gave impetus and national movements. For the Finnish, Polish, Ukrainian, Baltic and other national intelligentsia, it became the key to obtaining autonomy, and then national independence. Already in March 1917, the Provisional Government agreed to the demand for independence for Poland, and the Ukrainian Central Rada appeared in Kyiv, which subsequently proclaimed the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine against the wishes of the Provisional Government.

Sources

Buchanan D. Memoirs of a diplomat. M., 1991.

Gippius Z. N. Diaries. M., 2002.

Journals of meetings of the Provisional Government, March - Oct. 1917: in 4 vols. M., 2001 - 2004.

Kerensky A.F. Russia at a turning point in history. M., 2006.

The country is dying today. Memories of the February Revolution of 1917. M., 1991.

Sukhanov N. N. Notes on the Revolution: In 3 volumes. M., 1991.

Tsereteli I. G. Crisis of power: memoirs of the Menshevik leader, deputy of the Second State Duma, 1917-1918. M., 2007.

Chernov V. The Great Russian Revolution. Memoirs of the Chairman of the Constituent Assembly. 1905-1920. M., 2007.

February revolution in summary will help you gather your thoughts before the exam and remember what you remember about the topic and what you don't. This historical event was significant for the history of Russia. It opened the door to further revolutionary upheavals, which will not end soon. Without mastering this topic, it is pointless to try to understand further events.

It is worth saying that the events of February 1917 have a very great value and for modern Russia. This year, 2017, marks the centenary of those events. I think that the country faces the same problems as Tsarist Russia faced then: monstrous low level the lives of the population, the disregard of the authorities towards their people, who feed these authorities; lack of will and desire at the top to change something in a positive direction. But there were no televisions then... What do you think about this - write in the comments.

Causes of the February Revolution

The inability of the authorities to solve a number of crises that the state faced during the First World War:

• Transport crisis: due to the extremely short length of railways, a transport shortage has arisen.
• Food crisis: the country had extremely low yields, plus peasant land shortages and the inefficiency of noble estates led to a disastrous food situation. Hunger has become severe in the country.
• Weapons crisis: for more than three years the army has experienced a severe shortage of ammunition. Only by the end of 1916 Russian industry began to work on the scale necessary for the country.
• The unresolved worker and peasant question in Russia. The share of the proletariat and skilled working class has increased significantly compared to the first years of the reign of Nicholas II. The issue of neither child labor nor labor insurance was resolved. The salary was extremely low. If we talk about peasants, land shortages persisted. Plus in wartime Extortions from the population increased monstrously, and all horses and people were mobilized. The people did not understand why they were fighting and did not share the patriotism that the leaders experienced in the first years of the war.
• Crisis at the top: in 1916 alone, several high-ranking ministers were replaced, which gave rise to the prominent right-wing V.M. Purishkevich should call this phenomenon “ministerial leapfrog.” This expression has become popular.

The distrust of the common people, and even members of the State Duma, increased even more due to the presence of Grigory Rasputin at the court. ABOUT royal family shameful rumors circulated. Only on December 30, 1916, Rasputin was killed.

The authorities tried to solve all these crises, but to no avail. The Special Meetings convened were not successful. Since 1915, Nicholas II took command of the troops, despite the fact that he himself held the rank of colonel.

In addition, at least since January 1917, a conspiracy against the tsar was brewing among the highest generals of the army (General M.V. Alekseev, V.I. Gurko, etc.) and the Fourth State Duma (cadet A.I. Guchkov, etc. ). The Tsar himself knew and suspected of the impending coup. And he even ordered in mid-February 1917 to strengthen the Petrograd garrison with loyal units from the front. He had to give this order three times, because General Gurko was in no hurry to carry it out. As a result, this order was never carried out. Thus, this example already shows sabotage of the emperor’s orders by the highest generals.

Course of events

The course of events of the February revolution was characterized by the following points:

• The beginning of spontaneous popular unrest in Petrograd and a number of other cities, presumably due to an acute shortage of food on International Women's Day (according to the old style - February 23).
• Switching to the side of the rebel army. It consisted of the same workers and peasants who keenly understood the need for change.
• The slogans “Down with the Tsar” and “Down with the Autocracy” immediately arose, which predetermined the fall of the monarchy.
• Parallel authorities began to emerge: Councils of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, based on the experience of the First Russian Revolution.
• On February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma announced the transfer of power into its own hands as a result of the termination of the Golitsyn government.
• On March 1, this committee received recognition from England and France. On March 2, representatives of the committee went to the tsar, who abdicated in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, and he abdicated on March 3 in favor of the Provisional Government.

Results of the revolution

• The monarchy in Russia fell. Russia became a parliamentary republic.
• Power passed to the bourgeois Provisional Government and the Soviets, many believe that dual power began. But in reality there was no dual power. There are a lot of nuances here, which I revealed in my video course “History. Preparation for the Unified State Exam for 100 points.”
• Many see this revolution as the first step .

Best regards, Andrey Puchkov