Cleisthenes biography. Cleisthenes' reforms and their historical significance

The Alcmaeonids overthrew the Pisistratids => The Alcmaeonids are in power. One of them is Cleisthenes.

Reforms:

Administrative. Aimed at undermining the power of the tribal aristocracy. Before this, there was a division into phylas and phratries (i.e., according to clan communities), and the center of each phylum was the estate of a noble family, around which poorer citizens were grouped. Voting by phyla => determines everything to know. Cleisthenes wants to mix up the birth. All of Attica is divided into 10 phyla, each of which is not compact, but consists of 3 regions remote from each other (the trittium region. The phyla forms the urban, coastal and internal trittia). Each area includes several demos. The consequence is that voting is no longer by clan, where the nobility determines everything, but is scattered. The decisive force is now the majority.

Social. In order to weaken the role of the aristocracy, it increases the number of citizens at the expense of traders and artisans - metics and freedmen (previously - unequal residents of Athens).

Agrarian.

After winning the war with Chalcis (a policy on Euboea - an island near Athens), Athens received territories on the island, where a clergy of 4 thousand poor people were evicted => decrease social tension+ strengthening the layer of middle landowners (Zevgits).

Political. Instead of advice 400 - advice 500 (boule). It is formed by elections of 50 people from each phylum for a year. Permanent body, paid salary. Functions: preparing the agenda for the national assembly, current management. The Areopagus is now only the judicial branch. It is formed from the aristocracy by co-optation (introducing candidates into it without elections). New elected magistrates - 10 apodects (collectors of dues) and 10 strategists (war). Along with this is the old college of 9 archons. Formed by elections for a year. Functions – priestly, influences military decisions. But the center of gravity is on the strategists.

Consequences. Formation of a democratic system, victory of the demos, etc.

1. 9. Greco-Persian Wars: causes, main stages and consequences

Prerequisites for war. Darius I calmed society down with a series of reforms. Huge wealth, territory, army. Compared to Persia, Greece is a Lilliputian. At the same time, it’s a tempting piece, because... By conquering Greece you can gain control of the Aegean Sea. In 540-530 M. Asian policies were captured. At first, a loyal policy, but under Darius - tightening => Milesian (Ionian) uprising. The Persian kingdom, headed by King Darius I, was then the most powerful state in the world. The Greek cities of Asia Minor were also under his rule. The Persians subjected them to tyrants and forced them to pay heavy taxes. The Greeks hardly tolerated this oppression. In 500 BC. e. An uprising broke out in Miletus, which spread to other cities. The rebels turned to free policies for help. But only Athens and Eretria (a city on the island of Euboea) sent 25 ships. At first the Greeks won several victories, but then were defeated.

Ionian revolt (500-494). It began with Miletus (Aristagoras). All the coast. We turned to Balkan Greece for help. Only Athens responded, and only 20 ships. Capture of Sardis. Victory over the Phoenicians at Cyprus. 495 – defeat at o. Lada. 494 – capture of Miletus and suppression of the uprising.

March of Mardonius (492-490). The reason is to help Athens to Asian cities. In Greece there is fear and confusion. Minimum program – Thrace and northern. coast. If everything goes well, then continue. 492 – crossing of the Hellespont. Storm near Cape Athos and the death of the Persian fleet. Returning back. The campaign was unsuccessful, but the Persians had a foothold in the Aegean.

Campaign of Datis and Artaphernes (490). Hippias is with them. 491 – diplomacy: Persian ambassadors to all policies demanding “land and water.” Thessaly and Boeotia gave, Argos - neutrality, the rest - against. Then go. Boldly: the crossing is not a coastal crossing, but straight across the sea. Landing on Euboea, defeat of Eretria, then Marathon (apparently on the advice of Hippias). In Athens there is a debate: to attack or defend? Miltiades: advance. September 12, 490 – battle. The Persians have cavalry and archers, attack with lava => abatis, a bottleneck, the phalanx holds the flanks, dividing it into 3 parts. At first they held the archers' blows as long as they could, and for the last 100 m they ran. Victory. You can beat the Persians!

Greco-Persian Wars - the most significant wars in history Ancient Greece. They are described in most detail in the work “History”, which was written by Herodotus, who lived in the 5th century BC. e. He traveled a lot, visited Persia and other countries. By the time of the wars with the Greeks, the Persian Empire included many countries and peoples (see § 21)!!!. Therefore, Herodotus decided to first tell about the history of Persia and the lands it conquered. He was later called the "father of history" because he was the first to write a real historical work.

Persian campaign. Darius swore revenge on the Athenians and Euboeans, but his plans were more ambitious - he sought to conquer all of Greece. Darius sent envoys to the policies demanding “land and water,” that is, complete submission.

Many expressed their resignation. Only Athens and Sparta resolutely refused. The Spartans threw the royal envoys into the well, saying: “If you want, you can take the land and water there yourself!”

In 490 BC. e. The Persian fleet approached Attica from the north, and the army landed at the small village of Marathon. The Athenians immediately sent their militia there. From all of Hellas, only citizens of the small town of Plataea in Boeotia came to their aid. The Persians significantly outnumbered the Greeks in number of warriors.

3. Battle of Marathon. The Athenian commander Miltiades formed a phalanx of soldiers in such a way that the Greeks were able to break the resistance of the Persians. The Hellenes pursued them all the way to the sea. Here they attacked the ships, which began to quickly move away from the shore, abandoning their warriors. The Greeks won a brilliant victory.

As the legends say, having received the order, one of the young warriors ran to Athens. The citizens of the city were languishing in uncertainty, and it was necessary to tell them the good news of the victory as quickly as possible. Without stopping once, without drinking a sip of water, the warrior ran 42 km 195 m. This was the distance between the battlefield and Athens. Appearing in the square, he stopped and shouted: “Rejoice, Athenians, we have won!” - and immediately fell lifeless. Nowadays, there is a running competition over a distance of 42 km 195 m, which is called marathon running.

The victory at Marathon changed the mood of all the Greeks. She destroyed the legend of Persian invincibility. The Athenians themselves were prouder of their victory at the Battle of Marathon than any other in their history.

4. The Greeks are building a fleet. The war did not end after the Battle of Marathon. The Greeks just got a break. During these years, the talented and energetic politician Themistocles began to enjoy great influence in Athens. He saw the salvation of Greece in the fleet. Just at this time, a rich silver deposit was discovered in Attica. Themistocles proposed to spend the proceeds from its development on the construction of warships. 200 triremes were built.

5. The campaign of the Persian king Xerxes. Only 10 years later the Persians were able to begin a new campaign against Greece. It was headed by King Xerxes, who replaced Darius. The army of Xerxes moved towards Hellas from the north by land, and a huge fleet accompanied it along the seashore. Many policies united against the formidable enemy, handing over the supreme command to Sparta.

6. Battle of Thermopylae (480 BC). They decided to fight in the gorge between Northern and Central Greece at Thermopylae. The mountains in this place come close to the sea, and the passage is very narrow. It was defended by several thousand Greeks, including a detachment of 300 Spartans. The Spartan king Leonidas commanded the entire army. There were many times more Persians. Xerxes sent a messenger to Thermopylae with two words: “Lay down your arms.” Leonid also answered with two words: “Come and take it.”

The bloody battle lasted two days. The Persians could not break through. But there was a traitor who led them along the mountain paths. The enemies found themselves behind Greek lines. When Leonidas found out about this, he ordered everyone to leave, while he remained with the Spartans and volunteers. The Hellenes fought with insane courage. They all died in a fierce battle. But many enemies were also killed.

Later, in the Thermopylae Gorge, they erected a statue of a lion (Leonidas in Greek means “lion cub”) and a stone with the inscription: “Traveler, inform Lacedaemon that we lie here, having honestly fulfilled the law.”

7. Battle of Salamis (480 BC). The Persian army marched towards Athens. Residents left the city. Women, children and old people were sent to neighboring islands, all men were on ships. Now all hope was in the fleet. It consisted of approximately 400 ships, half of them from Athens. The battle took place in the Strait of Salamis between the island of Salamis and the coast of Attica. At dawn, Persian ships entered the strait. The Athenian ships quickly attacked the advanced enemy ships. Light triremes easily bypassed heavy enemy ships. The Persians fought for booty and rewards from the king, the Greeks - for freedom and life. The Athenians saw columns of black smoke rising above the houses and temples of their city that were set on fire by the Persians. Their parents, wives, sisters, and children were nearby on the islands. The Greeks had to either die or become slaves. This increased their strength; no one thought about the danger.

Most of the enemy ships were killed, the rest retreated. Despite the enemy's numerical superiority, the Greeks won. Xerxes with the surviving ships retreated to Asia Minor, but left part of the army in Greece.

8. Battles of Plataea and Mycale (479 BC). Now one could think about expelling all Persians from Greece. In 479 BC. e. A battle took place near the town of Plataea in Boeotia. The battle was long and bloody. But the Greek hoplites were better trained, had more advanced weapons, and fought for freedom. And they won. According to legend, on the same day the Greeks won a second victory - at Cape Mycale near Miletus. They attacked the enemy simultaneously from sea and land, destroyed a strong Persian army and burned most of the enemy ships.

The battles of Plataea and Mycale ended the first period of the Greco-Persian wars. The Persians never appeared in Europe again. Military operations were transferred to Asia Minor. The gradual liberation of the Greek cities located here began.

9. Results of the Greco-Persian Wars. The war continued for a long time. The leadership of the allied forces of the Greeks now passed into the hands of Athens. Finally, in 449 BC. e. peace was concluded. The Persian king recognized the independence of all Greek cities of Asia Minor. The Persian fleet had no right to appear in the Aegean Sea. Athens emerged from the war as the strongest maritime state in Greece.

Why did the Greeks win the war? After all, their forces were numerically much inferior to the army of the huge Persian Empire. The most important reason for the victory was that the Greeks were defending their homeland and independence. And the Persian army largely consisted of forced soldiers. Sometimes it was even necessary to drive them into battle with whips. The military superiority of the Greeks also played a major role. Their warriors were better armed and trained.

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The fight against tyranny

The first mention of Cleisthenes (however, this cannot be considered completely proven) is contained in a fragment of an Athenian inscription with a list of archons, from which it follows that Cleisthenes was an archon in 525 BC. e. This contradicts the ancient tradition, according to which the Alcmaeonids were expelled by the tyrant Peisistratus and since then constantly fought against tyranny and leads scholars to assume that Cleisthenes, among other Alcmaeonids, was returned to Athens by Peisistratus, or rather by his sons Hippias and Hipparchus, and expelled again after the murder Hipparchus by Harmodius and Aristogiton in 514 BC. e. From this moment on, the Alcmaeonids, led by Cleisthenes, really developed an active struggle against tyranny: they strengthened the town of Lipidria, and after a military defeat suffered there, they bribed the Delphic Oracle, which gave the order to the Spartans to liberate Athens. The command was carried out in 510 BC. e. with the active assistance of Athenian opponents of tyranny; The sources do not say anything about the specific role of Cleisthenes in the events, but it must have been significant.

Fighting Isagoras

In liberated Athens, a power struggle began between Cleisthenes and Isagoras, who was elected archon for 508/507. At the same time, Isagoras adhered to the oligarchic direction and relied on aristocratic “partnerships” (heteria), while Cleisthenes, in contrast to him, appealed to the masses and proposed a plan for sweeping democratic reforms. Isagoras, for his part, requested help from Sparta. The Spartan king Cleomenes sent envoys demanding that the Athenians expel those stained by the “kilonov sin”; Cleisthenes fled secretly, but nevertheless Cleomenes came to Athens with a detachment and expelled 700 families, and even the bones of the dead were thrown out of their graves. After this, he tried to disperse the Council and transfer power into the hands of Isagoras and his 300 oligarch followers. The result was a general uprising; Cleomenes with the Spartans and oligarchs was besieged on the Acropolis and forced to retire; Isagoras left with him, and his followers (according to various reports) either also left Athens or were killed. After this, Cleisthenes returned to the city and carried out a series of reforms that established Athenian democracy.

Cleisthenes' reforms

Territorial division

Cleisthenes destroyed the traditional division of Athens into four territorial clan districts - philae, which was the mainstay of influence of the clan nobility and its groups. The basis of the division was the “village” - dem; the demes were united into 30 trittii, and the trittii into 10 new phyla, cut up randomly and not having a continuous territory. Herodotus defines the initial number of demes as 100; then their number increased.

The demes were named either by the names of the localities they occupied, or by their mythical founders, or, finally, by the noble families that lived in one or another deme (for example, the deme of Philaidov). The Athenian now became a member of the civil collective not through belonging to a gens, but through belonging to a deme; in his deme, upon reaching adulthood (18 years old), he was included in the civil lists; in official documents he was called by the name of the deme (for example: Demetrius of Alopeka); it is believed that Cleisthenes sought to have this name supplant traditional patronymics. However, the name of the deme quickly lost connection with the actual place of residence and only reminded which deme his ancestors were assigned to under Cleisthenes.

The demes differed greatly in population and space, since in their formation Cleisthenes proceeded from the original division of Attica into settlements. The Dem enjoyed self-government in local affairs; Demes participated in government administration primarily through phyla.

Dem, with its demarch and other local authorities, with its general demotic assemblies, lands, cult, educated the citizen for activity in the wider national arena. It was not difficult for the legislator to introduce new citizens into the new divisions - foreigners and freedmen who settled in Attica.

Several demes made up the trittiya; in total there were 30 trittiums: 10 in the city and its surroundings, ten in Paralia (on the coast) and 10 in Mesogeia (the interior region of Attica). The trittia were distributed by lot among 10 phyla, so that in each phyle there was one trittia of the city, one trittia of Paralia and one of Mesogea. In this way, old clan-territorial ties were broken and the formation of parties like the Paedii, Paralii and Diacrii was prevented.

Cleisthenes' divisions can be traced back to the middle of the 4th century. AD (and then there were already 13 phylas and up to 200 demos). At the direction of the Pythia, 10 domestic heroes became patrons of the Cleisthenes phyla, who gave the phyla their names.

The reform of territorial division entailed the reform of the City Council. According to the constitution of Solon, the Council was formed by 100 people from each phylum, and thus represented the Council of Four Hundred. The new Council of Five Hundred consisted of 50 people from each phylum, elected in demes; the entire composition of the council was divided during the year into 10 sections (prytanias) according to phyla; the official boards usually consisted of 10 magistrates, one from each phylum; 6,000 jury judges were also selected by phylum; the infantry was divided into 10 regiments, and the cavalry into 10 squadrons, etc. The basis government controlled Thus, not a territorial, but a political unit was established.

Other reforms

Cleisthenes did not destroy the old clan divisions of Attica; clans, phratries, Ionian phyles continued to exist after him. He even increased the number of phratries, changing their personnel: in addition to the ancient clans, they included members of religious associations who did not belong to the clans; all gg frators were united by the cults of Zeus the phratry and Athena the phratry. Belonging to a phratry determined the rights and title of an Athenian citizen until the age of 18. However, these clan divisions ceased to play a political role.

Cleisthenes also created a college of 10 military leaders - strategists (1 from each phylum), into whose hands in subsequent years all military power passed from the archon-polemarch; Unlike the archons, to which only representatives of the two highest property classes were elected, representatives of all classes could become strategists, except for the last one - the fetov.

To prevent new attempts to seize tyrannical power, Cleisthenes introduced ostracism.

Result

The reforms of Cleisthenes completed the unification of Attica, begun, according to legend, by Theseus, and the formation of an organic whole from disparate and warring population groups. According to Aristotle, Cleisthenes made Athens more democratic, and Herodotus Studies

• Ostwald M. Reforms of Cleisthenes // Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean c. 525-479 BC e. Ed. J. Boardman et al. Trans. from English A. V. Zaikova. M.: Ladomir, 2011. pp. 368-416. (Series: The Cambridge History of the Ancient World. Vol. IV) - ISBN 978-5-86218-496-9
• Sheffer V. Athenian citizenship and the people's assembly. M., 1891. I, pp. 310-432.
• Francotle L'organisation de la cité athénienne et la reforme de Clisthènes. Paris, 1893.
• Hug. Studien aus dem class. Alterth. I, Freiburg, 1881.
• Schoell. Ueber die Kleisth. Phratrien. 1890.

4. CLEISTHENES

As a representative of trade and craft groups interested primarily in freedom of trade and the free development of slavery, Cleisthenes did not issue any laws to improve the economic situation of the poor. All his laws relate to social relationships and government, but in this regard he did a lot: he completed the work of Solon and Pisistratus, as if summing up the revolution of the 6th century. and created that system, which, with minor changes, lasted as long as the Athenians remained independent.
Cleisthenes first of all destroyed the last remnants of the clan division. Under Solon, the civilian population was divided into clan phylas, phratries and clans led by aristocrats. Under Pisistratus, the influence of the aristocrats decreased significantly, but the coup of 510, led by Isagoras, showed that the forces of the aristocracy had not yet been completely undermined. Therefore, Cleisthenes decided first of all to put an end to clan associations. However, Cleisthenes least of all wanted to introduce innovations in the field of religion: he retained the religious significance of the old phyla and phratries completely, but deprived them of any significance in state system. Instead of the four old ones, he divided Attica into ten new phyla. These phyla were territorial.

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“Compared to the old clan organization, the state differs, firstly, in the division of the state’s subjects into territorial divisions. The old clan associations, which arose and were held together by blood ties, became, as we have seen, insufficient mainly because their prerequisite, the connection of the members of the clan with a certain territory, had long ceased to exist. The territory remained, but people became mobile. Therefore, territorial division was taken as the starting point, and citizens were allowed to exercise their public rights and responsibilities where they settled, regardless of clan or tribe. This organization of citizens by place of residence is generally accepted in all states. That's why it seems natural to us; but we saw what a persistent and lengthy struggle was required before it could establish itself... in the place of the old clan organization.”39
Since the old clans were especially strong in those parts of Attica where the estates of their representatives were located, he included in each phylum one third (“trittii”) from various places in Attica: one third from the city of Athens, the other from the inner plain (Mesogea), the third - from the coastal strip.40 These phyla received predominantly patriotic names after the ancient Athenian heroes: Theseus, Aegeidas, Pandionidas, Erechtheidas, etc. (Theseus, Aegeus, Pandion, Erechtheus - Athenian kings). Each phylum had approximately the same number of inhabitants; the trittia of each phylum are often far removed from each other. Philae were further divided into demes; At first there were ten of them in each fillet, then their number increased. Since ancient times, each individual village in Attica has been called a demome, but now a demome has become an administrative unit; some demes included several villages; the large village of Brauron consisted, on the contrary, of three demes, and in Athens each quarter of the city was a deme. The demes had a certain amount of self-government and kept lists of the citizens who lived in them. At the head of the deme was a demarch, who was the treasurer of the deme, had police functions and collected taxes. A number of demes retained the name of those noble families who had their estates here (for example, deme Butada, deme Philaids). Members of the same deme were called demotes.
The Council of Five Hundred (bule) became the highest legislative preparatory body, like the presidium of the people's assembly. Candidates for the council were chosen by deme by lot, according to a special schedule, in proportion to the number of inhabitants in the deme: there were demes,

39 Engels F. Origin of the family...//Marx K., Engels F. Soch., T. 21. P. 170.
40 This division is something completely different from the division into Pediaea, Paralia and Diacria. Pediaea also included the city of Athens; Paralnya and Dnakrnya included both coastal and inland parts.

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who chose one candidate, while Dem Acharny chose 22 candidates. The number of candidates was doubled more number places; the old council checked each candidate and eliminated the unworthy. In total there were fifty bulevts (council members) for each phylum; fifty bulevts, elected from the same phylum, presided over the council for a tenth of the year; each of them was called prytan, and all together - prytania; The tenth part of the year was called prytania. The prytanes convened a council every day (except for holidays), and the people's assembly initially at least once a prytany. The council approved candidates for the new council, checked the reports of officials, oversaw the construction of the fleet and docks, and had great administrative power. During the time of Cleisthenes, he had the power to fine, imprison, and in some cases even execute.
But the main function of the council was problevma. Not a single law, not a single proposal could be submitted to the people's assembly without a probulum, that is, without consideration in the council and its resolution. It is quite understandable that in a national assembly consisting of 10-20 thousand people, it is impossible to discuss matters unless they are thought out and prepared in advance by a small board. While such preparations were carried out by the Areopagus or the archons, they in fact apparently had a decisive influence on all state affairs. Now this preliminary preparation was in the hands of a democratic body - the council. The archons retained the role of the government of Athens under Cleisthenes, but their role was significantly limited. It is characteristic that before Cleisthenes the resolutions of the national assembly were dated according to the archon; Now the name of the archon is not mentioned, and they are dated by the secretary of the first prytania of the council. Likewise, the keys to the city treasury are now held not by the archon, but by the council. The archon-polemarch retains the significance of the supreme military leader; but he is now only the chairman of a college of ten strategoi, elected since 502 (by show of hands), one from each phylum.
It is possible, however, that this college gained actual influence already under Pisistratus. Indeed, to strengthen their dictatorship, Peisistratus and his sons needed special detachments, partly consisting of peasant “club bearers” loyal to him, partly from foreign mercenaries. The leaders of these detachments were called, perhaps, strategists. From the drawings on the vases we see that in the army of Pisistratus big role Scythians played.
Cleisthenes needed to formalize these spontaneously arising institutions. The strategoi in his constitution receive the character of military leaders, chosen one from each phylum organized by him; Scythian archers become state slaves and from that time on play the role of political

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Tseyskikh. Engels makes the following witty remark about this:
“The Athenians thus established, simultaneously with their state, a police force, a real gendarmerie of foot and horse archers... But this gendarmerie was formed from slaves. This police service seemed so humiliating to the free Athenian that he preferred to allow himself to be arrested by an armed slave rather than engage in such a shameful task himself. This also reflected the way of thinking of ancient tribal life. The state could not exist without the police, but it was still young and did not yet enjoy sufficient moral authority to inspire respect for an occupation that would inevitably seem vile to former members of the clan."41
The Peisistratids did not lose hope of regaining power, especially since they were supported by Sparta and, as we will see, the Persian king. They also had many supporters in Athens. In order to prevent the possibility of a return to tyranny, Cleisthenes introduced a new institution - ostracism (“ostracon” means “shard”). In the people's assembly the question is raised: is it necessary to serve the shards? If the question was resolved in the affirmative, then a special people’s assembly was convened for “poling” under the chairmanship of nine archons and prytanes; it had to include at least 6,000 citizens. Each citizen wrote on a shard the name of the public figure whom he considered dangerous to the peace of the state, and submitted it closed. The one who received the majority of votes was subject to expulsion. Such expulsion, however, did not cause any dishonor: the citizen was not deprived of his rights, his property was not confiscated. He only had to leave Athens for ten years, after which time he could return.
Family privileges were thus ended once and for all. Citizens were officially called no longer by patronymic (although this name remained in use), but by deme; for example, Pericles of Holarges, Themistocles of Frearria, etc. A number of foreigners who had actually received civil rights under Pisistratus now officially received these rights and were included in the phyla and phratries. It is true that the aristocratic Areopagus retained his powers of supervision over legislation, institutions and individuals, but his influence was greatly diminished by the council of five hundred. But Cleisthenes retained his property privileges in full: only high-ranking citizens could be elected to the Cleisthenes council, as well as to all other positions.

41 Engels F. Origin of the family.. .//Marx K., Engels F. Works. T. 21. pp. 118-119.

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three classes from thirty years of age - however, now regardless of origin.
“The new aristocracy of wealth finally pushed into the background the old clan nobility... And along with this division of the free into classes in accordance with property status, there occurred... a huge increase in the number of slaves, whose forced labor served as the foundation on which the superstructure of the entire society rose.” .42
As we have seen, Cleisthenes recognized the supreme protectorate of Persia over Athens. Because of this recognition, the Persian satrap of Asia Minor Artaphernes, wanting power in Athens to be in good hands, demands (around 501-500) that the Athenians return power to Hippias. The Athenians could not agree to this; Apparently, in connection with this, Cleisthenes and his party are deprived of power. This meant a break with Persia.43
Let's try now to give brief description revolution of the 6th century At the beginning of the 6th century. There can still be no talk of an Athenian state: before us is a tribal community, which, however, is already in a stage of advanced decomposition. Clan divisions - genus, phratry, phylum - are at the same time political divisions: aristocrats who lead individual clan groupings at the same time lead all public life. The peasant is enslaved; a rich city dweller, although he already bears duties as a navkrari, does not enjoy any rights. Land is inalienable patrimonial property. There are still few slaves (except for peasants enslaved by debts), and this slavery is still patriarchal in nature.
As a result of the revolution completed by Cleisthenes, Attica in politically is already divided into local units; clan associations were deprived of all political significance and were preserved only for religious purposes, although “the moral influence, inherited views and way of thinking of the old clan era lived on for a long time in traditions that died out only gradually.”44 Rich townspeople enjoy the same privileges as rich aristocrats ; all free citizens are allowed to participate in government; bondage and slavery for debts were abolished. A state emerges with the widespread use of slave labor and with a complex system of democratic institutions. So, “...a society arose, which, due to all its economic conditions of life, had to split

42 Ibid. P. 167.
43 A patriotic aristocratic party comes to power (perhaps led by the valiant commander Lacratidas from the noble family of the Eumolpides; he was an archon between 500 and 497; this family subsequently fought the Alcmaeonids).
44 Engels F. Origin of the family...//Marx K., Engels F. Works. T. 21. P. 118.

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into freemen and slaves, into exploiting rich and exploited poor - a society that not only could not reconcile these opposites, but had to sharpen them more and more. Such a society could only exist in an ongoing open struggle between these classes. . . The clan system has outlived its time. It was exploded by the division of labor and its consequence - the split of society into classes.”45 Along with the division into freemen and slaves, a difference appears between rich and poor, due to the new division of labor, a new division of society into classes.
The clan community turns into a classic slave-owning democratic state. The state, in this case, thus turned out to be a force that originated from society, but placed itself above it, alienating itself more and more from it: “... the state is the recognition that this society is entangled in an insoluble contradiction with itself, split into irreconcilable opposites, from which it is powerless to get rid of. And so that these opposites, classes with contradictory economic interests, do not devour each other and society in a fruitless struggle, a force has become necessary for this, apparently standing above society, a force that would moderate the collision, keep it within the boundaries of “order” » 46
“The extent to which the state that had developed in its main features corresponded to the new social position” of the Athenians is evidenced by the rapid growth of wealth, trade and industry. The class antagonism on which social and political institutions now rested was no longer an antagonism between the nobility and the common people, but an antagonism between slaves and freemen, between those under protection and full-fledged citizens... The emergence of a state among the Athenians is a highly typical example of the formation of a state in general, because, on the one hand, it occurs in its pure form, without any violent intervention, external or internal ... on the other hand, because in this case a very highly developed form of the state, a democratic republic, arises directly from tribal society...”47 Here the state arises directly and primarily from class contradictions developing within the tribal society itself.
Of course, this revolution was not the work of Cleisthenes alone. It began with an armed uprising of the demos at the beginning of the 6th century. A number of concessions to new social forces were forced

45 Ibid. pp. 168-169.
46 Ibid. P. 170.
47 Ibid. P. 119.

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was done, as we have seen, already by Solon; then Pisistratus, who supported the small peasantry doomed to death, dealt a heavy blow to the landed aristocracy and conquered a number of new points for the withdrawal of peasant colonists and the import of the grain necessary for the peasants; both of these measures, however, enormously strengthened the urban trade and craft class. It fell to Cleisthenes to create a well-thought-out system of democratic institutions and legislate the measures taken by his predecessors.

Prepared according to the edition:

Lurie S. Ya.
History of Greece / Comp., author. entry articles by E.D. Frolov - St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg University Publishing House. 1993. -680 p.
ISBN 5-288-00645-8
© S. Ya. Lurie, 1993
Entry article © E. D. Frolov, 1993

CLEISTHENES(heyday of activity - second half of the 6th century BC), Athenian statesman. Cleisthenes was born c. 570 BC, his maternal grandfather was the Sicyon tyrant Cleisthenes, and his father was Megacles, then head of the Alcmaeonids, an influential aristocratic family in Athens. Cleisthenes shared with his family and its supporters the tribulations of confronting the Athenian tyrants. Around 556 BC his family entered into a marriage alliance with the tyrant Pisistratus; in 546 BC, when Pisistratus, who was striving for power, landed in Attica, the Alcmaeonids opposed him and were subsequently expelled. In 525 BC they made peace with the tyrant’s son Hippias, and Cleisthenes became archon-eponymous (the head of the annually elected board of city officials; see also ARCHON). Shortly before the final expulsion of the Peisistratids, Cleisthenes and his relatives were forced to leave Athens again (probably after 514 BC). Around 512 BC The Alcmaeonids made an unsuccessful attempt to return to Athens, and then tried to secure the support of the Spartans.

The tyranny fell in 510 BC, but Cleisthenes lost the power struggle in the politicized oligarchic urban groupings (heteria), and became archon for a period of 508–507 BC. became Isagoras. The latter, wanting to consolidate power, summoned the king of Sparta, Cleomenes, to Athens with a small army. Cleisthenes and 700 other families were expelled again, but even before the expulsion, Cleisthenes managed to proclaim a new policy - democratic reforms and opposition to Sparta. Therefore, in his absence, the people, outraged by the restoration of tyranny, took the side of Cleisthenes and expelled Cleomenes, with whom Isagoras fled.

In 507 BC Cleisthenes returned to Athens and set about implementing democratic reforms in the spirit of Solon. New government structure was intended to unite the people. For this purpose, an administrative-territorial reform was carried out. Attica was divided into three territorial districts (Athens with the surrounding region and Piraeus, the coast and inland Attica). From 4 to 10, the number of phylas (former tribal associations, which have now become administrative units). Each phylum was formed by demes ( cm. DEM). Elections to the boule (city council, cm. BULE) passed through phylas, each of which delegated 50 people, so that the number of Bule members increased from four hundred to five hundred. Since the boule was elected annually, and at the final stage the selection was carried out by lot, but it was possible to be re-elected for only one term, this meant that a significant part of the population of Attica passed through membership in the boule, which had important legislative and administrative functions. Thus, the entire population of Attica was grouped without taking into account tribal and guild differences, although Cleisthenes retained the old clan and religious alliances. Aristotle claims that Cleisthenes introduced ostracism (exile by decision of the popular assembly) as a means of eliminating rivals, and especially adherents of Hippias, but ostracism appears to have been introduced later, in 488 BC. Cleisthenes created single state with a progressive constitution and an independent political course, which saved Greece at Marathon and Salamis. The dates of the end of his reign and death are unknown.

The first mention of Cleisthenes (however, this cannot be considered completely proven) is contained in a fragment of an Athenian inscription with a list of archons, from which it follows that Cleisthenes was an archon in 525 BC. e. This contradicts the ancient tradition, according to which the Alcmaeonids were expelled by the tyrant Peisistratus and since then constantly fought against tyranny and leads scholars to assume that Cleisthenes, among other Alcmaeonids, was returned to Athens by Peisistratus, or rather by his sons Hippias and Hipparchus, and expelled again after the murder Hipparchus by Harmodius and Aristogeiton in 514 BC. e. From this moment on, the Alcmaeonids, led by Cleisthenes, really developed an active struggle against tyranny: they strengthened the town of Lipidria, and after a military defeat suffered there, they bribed the Delphic Oracle, which gave the order to the Spartans to liberate Athens. The command was carried out in 510 BC. e. with the active assistance of Athenian opponents of tyranny; The sources do not say anything about the specific role of Cleisthenes in the events, but it must have been significant.

Fighting Isagoras

In liberated Athens, a power struggle began between Cleisthenes and Isagoras, who was elected archon for 508/507. At the same time, Isagoras adhered to the oligarchic direction and relied on aristocratic “partnerships” (heteria), while Cleisthenes, in contrast to him, appealed to the masses and proposed a plan for broad democratic reforms. Isagoras, for his part, requested help from Sparta. The Spartan king Cleomenes sent envoys demanding that the Athenians expel those stained by the “kilonov sin”; Cleisthenes fled secretly, but nevertheless Cleomenes came to Athens with a detachment and expelled 700 families, and even the bones of the dead were thrown out of their graves. After this, he tried to disperse the Council and transfer power into the hands of Isagoras and his 300 oligarch followers. The result was a general uprising; Cleomenes with the Spartans and oligarchs was besieged on the Acropolis and forced to retire; Isagoras left with him, and his followers (according to various reports) either also left Athens or were killed. After this, Cleisthenes returned to the city and carried out a series of reforms that established Athenian democracy.

Cleisthenes' reforms

Territorial division

Cleisthenes destroyed the traditional division of Athens into four territorial clan districts - philae, which was the mainstay of influence of the clan nobility and its groups. The basis of the division was the “village” - dem; the demes were united into 30 trittii, and the trittii into 10 new phyla, cut up randomly and not having a continuous territory. Herodotus defines the initial number of demes as 100; then their number increased.

The demes were named either by the names of the localities they occupied, or by their mythical founders, or, finally, by the noble families that lived in one or another deme (for example, the deme of Philaidov). The Athenian now became a member of the civil collective not through belonging to a gens, but through belonging to a deme; in his deme, upon reaching adulthood (18 years old), he was included in the civil lists; in official documents he was called by the name of the deme (for example: Demetrius of Alopeka); it is believed that Cleisthenes sought to have this name supplant traditional patronymics. However, the name of the deme quickly lost connection with the actual place of residence and only reminded which deme his ancestors were assigned to under Cleisthenes.

The demes differed greatly in population and space, since in their formation Cleisthenes proceeded from the original division of Attica into settlements. The Dem enjoyed self-government in local affairs; Demes participated in government administration primarily through phyla.

Dem, with its demarch and other local authorities, with its general demotic assemblies, lands, cult, educated the citizen for activity in the wider national arena. It was not difficult for the legislator to introduce new citizens into the new divisions - foreigners and freedmen who settled in Attica.

Several demes made up the trittiya; in total there were 30 trittiums: 10 in the city and its surroundings, ten in Paralia (on the coast) and 10 in Mesogeia (the interior region of Attica). The trittia were distributed by lot among 10 phyla, so that in each phyle there was one trittia of the city, one trittia of Paralia and one of Mesogea. In this way, old clan-territorial ties were broken and the formation of parties like the Paedii, Paralii and Diacrii was prevented.

Cleisthenes' divisions can be traced back to the middle of the 4th century. AD (and then there were already 13 phylas and up to 200 demos). At the direction of the Pythia, 10 domestic heroes became patrons of the Cleisthenes phyla, who gave the phyla their names.

The reform of territorial division entailed the reform of the City Council. According to the constitution of Solon, the Council was formed by 100 people from each phylum, and thus represented the Council of Four Hundred. The new Council of Five Hundred consisted of 50 people from each phylum, elected in demes; the entire composition of the council was divided during the year into 10 sections (prytanias) according to phyla; the official boards usually consisted of 10 magistrates, one from each phylum; 6,000 jury judges were also selected by phylum; the infantry was divided into 10 regiments, and the cavalry into 10 squadrons, etc. Thus, the basis of government was not a territorial, but a political unit.

Other reforms

Cleisthenes did not destroy the old clan divisions of Attica; clans, phratries, Ionian phyles continued to exist after him. He even increased the number of phratries, changing their personnel: in addition to the ancient clans, they included members of religious associations who did not belong to the clans; all frators were united by the cults of Zeus the phratry and Athena the phratry. Belonging to a phratry determined the rights and title of an Athenian citizen until the age of 18. However, these clan divisions ceased to play a political role.

Cleisthenes also created a college of 10 military leaders - strategists (1 from each phylum), into whose hands in subsequent years all military power passed from the archon-polemarch; Unlike the archons, to which only representatives of the two highest property classes were elected, representatives of all classes could become strategists, except for the last one - the fetov.

To prevent new attempts to seize tyrannical power, Cleisthenes introduced ostracism.

Result

The reforms of Cleisthenes completed the unification of Attica, begun, according to legend, by Theseus, and the formation of an organic whole from disparate and warring population groups. According to Aristotle, Cleisthenes made Athens more democratic, and Herodotus puts in a causal connection with Cleisthenes’ organization of the republic the successes of the Athenians that soon followed in the wars with the Boeotians and Chalcidians: under the yoke of tyrants they were careless, “because they seemed to be working for the master, and then, when they became free, they willingly took up the matter, pursuing their own benefits” (V, 78).

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Literature

Sources

The main sources of information about Cleisthenes are Aristotle's Politics and Athenian Polity.

Research

• Ostwald M. Reforms of Cleisthenes // Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean c. 525-479 BC e. Ed. J. Boardman et al. Trans. from English A. V. Zaikova. M.: Ladomir, 2011. pp. 368-416. (Series: The Cambridge History of the Ancient World. Vol. IV) - ISBN 978-5-86218-496-9
• Sheffer V. Athenian citizenship and the people's assembly. M., 1891. I, pp. 310-432.
• Francotle L'organisation de la cité athénienne et la reforme de Clisthènes. Paris, 1893.
• Hug. Studien aus dem class. Alterth. I, Freiburg, 1881.
• Schoell. Ueber die Kleisth. Phratrien. 1890.

Excerpt characterizing Cleisthenes

“Oh, well, I forgot…” she said. - You won’t go, will you?
- No, I'll go; Pepageya Danilovna, let me in, I’ll go,” said Sonya.
- Well, if you're not afraid.
- Luiza Ivanovna, may I? – asked Sonya.
Whether they were playing ring, string or ruble, or talking, as now, Nikolai did not leave Sonya and looked at her with completely new eyes. It seemed to him that today, only for the first time, thanks to that corky mustache, he fully recognized her. Sonya really was cheerful, lively and beautiful that evening, like Nikolai had never seen her before.
“So that’s what she is, and I’m a fool!” he thought, looking at her sparkling eyes and her happy, enthusiastic smile, making dimples on her cheeks from under her mustache, a smile that he had never seen before.
“I’m not afraid of anything,” said Sonya. - Can I do it now? - She stood up. They told Sonya where the barn was, how she could stand silently and listen, and they gave her a fur coat. She threw it over her head and looked at Nikolai.
“What a beauty this girl is!” he thought. “And what have I been thinking about so far!”
Sonya went out into the corridor to go to the barn. Nikolai hurriedly went to the front porch, saying that he was hot. Indeed, the house was stuffy from the crowded people.
It was the same motionless cold outside, the same month, only it was even lighter. The light was so strong and there were so many stars on the snow that I didn’t want to look at the sky, and the real stars were invisible. In the sky it was black and boring, on earth it was fun.
“I’m a fool, a fool! What have you been waiting for so far? thought Nikolai and, running onto the porch, he walked around the corner of the house along the path that led to the back porch. He knew that Sonya would come here. Halfway along the road there were stacked fathoms of firewood, there was snow on them, and a shadow fell from them; through them and from their sides, intertwining, the shadows of old bare linden trees fell onto the snow and the path. The path led to the barn. The chopped wall of the barn and the roof, covered with snow, as if carved from some kind of precious stone, glittered in the monthly light. A tree cracked in the garden, and again everything was completely silent. The chest seemed to breathe not air, but some kind of eternally youthful strength and joy.
Feet clattered on the steps from the maiden porch, there was a loud creaking sound on the last one, which was covered with snow, and the voice of an old girl said:
- Straight, straight, along the path, young lady. Just don't look back.
“I’m not afraid,” answered Sonya’s voice, and Sonya’s legs squealed and whistled in her thin shoes along the path towards Nikolai.
Sonya walked wrapped in a fur coat. She was already two steps away when she saw him; She also saw him not as she knew him and as she had always been a little afraid. He was in a woman's dress with tangled hair and a happy and new smile for Sonya. Sonya quickly ran up to him.
“Completely different, and still the same,” thought Nikolai, looking at her face, all illuminated by moonlight. He put his hands under the fur coat that covered her head, hugged her, pressed her to him and kissed her on the lips, above which there was a mustache and from which there was a smell of burnt cork. Sonya kissed him in the very center of his lips and, extending her small hands, took his cheeks on both sides.
“Sonya!... Nicolas!...” they just said. They ran to the barn and returned each from their own porch.

When everyone drove back from Pelageya Danilovna, Natasha, who always saw and noticed everything, arranged the accommodation in such a way that Luiza Ivanovna and she sat in the sleigh with Dimmler, and Sonya sat with Nikolai and the girls.
Nikolai, no longer overtaking, rode smoothly on the way back, and still peering at Sonya in this strange moonlight, looking for in this ever-changing light, from under his eyebrows and mustache, that former and present Sonya, with whom he had decided never again to be separated. He peered, and when he recognized the same and the other and remembered, hearing that smell of cork, mixed with the feeling of a kiss, he deeply inhaled the frosty air and, looking at the receding earth and the brilliant sky, he felt himself again in a magical kingdom.
- Sonya, are you okay? – he asked occasionally.
“Yes,” answered Sonya. - And you?
In the middle of the road, Nikolai let the coachman hold the horses, ran up to Natasha’s sleigh for a moment and stood on the lead.
“Natasha,” he told her in a whisper in French, “you know, I’ve made up my mind about Sonya.”
-Did you tell her? – Natasha asked, suddenly beaming with joy.
- Oh, how strange you are with those mustaches and eyebrows, Natasha! Are you glad?
– I’m so glad, so glad! I was already angry with you. I didn't tell you, but you treated her badly. This is such a heart, Nicolas. I am so glad! “I can be nasty, but I was ashamed to be the only happy one without Sonya,” Natasha continued. “Now I’m so glad, well, run to her.”
- No, wait, oh, how funny you are! - said Nikolai, still peering at her, and in his sister, too, finding something new, extraordinary and charmingly tender, which he had never seen in her before. - Natasha, something magical. A?
“Yes,” she answered, “you did great.”
“If I had seen her before as she is now,” thought Nikolai, “I would have asked long ago what to do and would have done whatever she ordered, and everything would have been fine.”
“So you’re happy, and I did good?”
- Oh, so good! I recently quarreled with my mother over this. Mom said she's catching you. How can you say this? I almost got into a fight with my mom. And I will never allow anyone to say or think anything bad about her, because there is only good in her.
- So good? - Nikolai said, once again looking for the expression on his sister’s face to find out if it was true, and, squeaking with his boots, he jumped off the slope and ran to his sleigh. The same happy, smiling Circassian, with a mustache and sparkling eyes, looking out from under a sable hood, was sitting there, and this Circassian was Sonya, and this Sonya was probably his future, happy and loving wife.
Arriving home and telling their mother about how they spent time with the Melyukovs, the young ladies went home. Having undressed, but without erasing their cork mustaches, they sat for a long time, talking about their happiness. They talked about how they would live married, how their husbands would be friends and how happy they would be.
On Natasha’s table there were mirrors that Dunyasha had prepared since the evening. - Just when will all this happen? I'm afraid I never... That would be too good! – Natasha said getting up and going to the mirrors.
“Sit down, Natasha, maybe you’ll see him,” said Sonya. Natasha lit the candles and sat down. “I see someone with a mustache,” said Natasha, who saw her face.
“Don’t laugh, young lady,” Dunyasha said.
With the help of Sonya and the maid, Natasha found the position of the mirror; her face took on a serious expression and she fell silent. She sat for a long time, looking at the row of receding candles in the mirrors, assuming (based on the stories she had heard) that she would see the coffin, that she would see him, Prince Andrei, in this last, merging, vague square. But no matter how ready she was to mistake the slightest spot for the image of a person or a coffin, she saw nothing. She began to blink frequently and moved away from the mirror.
- Why do others see, but I don’t see anything? - she said. - Well, sit down, Sonya; “Nowadays you definitely need it,” she said. – Only for me... I’m so scared today!
Sonya sat down at the mirror, adjusted her position, and began to look.
“They’ll definitely see Sofya Alexandrovna,” Dunyasha said in a whisper; - and you keep laughing.
Sonya heard these words, and heard Natasha say in a whisper:
“And I know that she will see; she saw last year too.
For about three minutes everyone was silent. “Certainly!” Natasha whispered and didn’t finish... Suddenly Sonya moved away the mirror she was holding and covered her eyes with her hand.