The beginning of the unification of Italy in the 19th century. On the way to a united Italy Italy on the eve of the revolution

Italy on the eve of the revolution

By the 1840s, Italy was a backward country suffering from feudal remnants. There is no opportunity for the development of trade and industry on the Apennine Peninsula - the borders of several relatively large kingdoms interfere. However, de facto, most of Italy is under Austrian rule and periodically becomes a battlefield for major European powers. Against this background, pan-European revolutionary ideas enter the country, which resonate in the minds of the local progressive bourgeoisie. Dreams appear about nation state, about unification - about the Risorgimento.

Before Italian cities bristled with barricades in 1848, attempts at reform were even made in various areas, and local monarchs, the Bourbons and Habsburgs, made concessions to society. Thus, despite his love for autocracy, the Grand Duke of Tuscany Leopold agreed to the creation of a civil guard, the introduction of freedom of the press, and recognized the powers of an advisory body under the Tuscan government. Events in Tuscany prompted similar liberalization in Parma, Modena and Lucca. Moreover, in Lucca, the Duke renounced his possessions in favor of Tuscany for monetary compensation.

Easy reforms did not save the Italian monarchs

In October 1847, long-awaited reforms followed in Piedmont: the introduction of publicity in legal proceedings, limiting censorship and police brutality, and the creation of local governments. In the period from the end of 1847 to the end of March 1848, the situation became even more complex: the struggle for reform began to develop into revolutionary movement. At the same time, in the Papal States, Pius IX created a council of ministers, declared a political amnesty, and began to build railways and proposed creating a customs union in Italy. The reforms of Pius IX seriously worried the Viennese court. Austrian troops occupied Ferrara, which was located in close proximity to the Papal States. In response, Pius IX sent Swiss units to his borders, which aroused the approval of wide patriotic sections of the population.

Revolution

Although the revolution failed, it nevertheless played an important role in the political development of Italy and its further unification. It all started in Palermo: on January 12, 1848, a popular uprising broke out there, power passed into the hands of the provisional government. The rebellion in Palermo marked the beginning of instability throughout Italy. In the north, in the territories directly controlled by Austria - in Venice and Lombardy - unrest broke out. But the truly significant moment was mid-March, when the revolution swept Vienna. As soon as news of this reached Italy, an uprising began in the north, and on March 23, Lombardy and Venice created the Republic of St. Mark.

Very soon Piedmont became the center of Italian unification

Soon the Sardinian kingdom with its capital in Piedmont joined the national liberation war. For this we must thank King Charles Albert and his powerful desires: later, during the first war with Austria, Piedmont’s desire to unite the entire country around itself would become a stumbling block in dialogue with other states of the peninsula. Although at first this helped a lot: fearing the strengthening of the political weight of the north, the King of Sicily and the Duke of Tuscany hastened to send their troops to war.

However, if everything had been so perfect, then Italy would have been united by 1850. During the war against Austria, Italy was at the same time burdened internal conflicts: the Sicilians fought with King Ferdinand II for their freedom; in Rome, local residents overthrew the pope and proclaimed a republic. All of this definitely didn’t do any good. common cause. By the summer, internal strife had significantly undermined the army's combat effectiveness: in fact, only Piedmont remained against the Austrians. The Tuscans left the front in May. A little later, in the summer, King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies recalled his troops to suppress local revolutionaries and disperse the newly formed parliament. Dad also recalled his Swiss.

Defeat of the revolution

By 1849, there were three republics in Italy: in Rome, where the townspeople expelled the pope; in Venice - the island part of the city was still defending itself; and in Florence - from there local residents drove out Duke Leopold II. Republicans longed for a fight against an external enemy and national unification. On the wave of a new revolution revolutionary struggle V major cities, King Charles Albert again declares war on Austria on March 12, but after 11 days his troops are defeated at Novara. In fear of the disgruntled townspeople, the king abdicates the throne in favor of his son, who sanctioned the Constitution and Parliament.

Pius IX

In the summer, the French came to the aid of the Pope to expel the Republicans led by Giuseppe Garibaldi from Rome. In July 1849, the Roman Republic fell. In August of the same year, Venice surrendered, defended by a small garrison of Piedmontese and subjected to bombardment not only from land and ships, but also from the air: landmines fell on the city from balloons. In April, the liberal and democratic forces in Tuscany were defeated, and the throne was returned to Duke Leopold, and the dukes of Parma and Modena returned to their thrones.

National movement and the rise of Sardinian influence

The years of reaction came: all the gains of the revolution in Italian cities were destroyed. Apart from Piedmont (the Kingdom of Sardinia), the old absolutist order returned everywhere. Ferdinand II, nicknamed the “Bomb King” for his brutal reprisal against participants in the revolution of 1848-1849 in Sicily, was especially rampant in Naples. Austria, the stronghold of all reactionary forces on the Apennine Peninsula, subjected Lombardy and Venice to a harsh military regime; Austrian troops occupied Tuscany until 1855 and remained indefinitely in Romagna, one of the papal provinces. The Pope also insisted that French troops not leave Rome. Glorified in 1847-1848 as a “spiritual leader” national movement, Pius IX has now turned into his bitter, implacable enemy.

Parliament continued to sit in Piedmont, and the kingdom developed

Against the backdrop of the screws being tightened throughout the peninsula, the Sardinian kingdom looked special. Parliament continued to sit in Piedmont, and the kingdom developed. Attempts by local reaction, as well as Austria, to achieve the abolition of the constitution failed. During the years of reaction, the position of Piedmont in general and Piedmontese liberals in particular became unusually strong. This happened for several reasons. Firstly, many Italians saw in the Sardinian kingdom, albeit monarchical, but a way out from under the Austrian yoke. Secondly, Piedmont became a center of patriotic emigration; many prominent figures of the revolution gathered here. It is also important to understand that after the end of the wars, many lost faith in the democrats, among whom a split occurred: some continued to pursue a radical line, in which socialist notes were often heard, while others joined the moderates. The Italians, however, lost confidence not only in the Democrats, but also in the local liberals, against whom the Piedmontese seemed advantageous. As a result, along with the influence of the Piedmontese liberals, the influence of the ruling house of Sardinia, the House of Savoy, also grew. The idea of ​​unification around the Sardinian kingdom acquired a national character and manifested itself in the form of the creation of a network of cells of the liberal pro-Sardinian “Italian National Society”

From Austria to France

The expulsion of the Austrians from Lombardy and Venice was the main goal of the Piedmontese liberals. This brought them closer to the Emperor of France, Napoleon III, who tried to increase his own sphere of influence: to plant his proteges in the center and south of Italy. Also, according to agreements between Piedmont and France, the latter ceded Nice and Savoy in exchange for Lombardy and Venice, which were planned to be annexed to the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Giuseppe Garibaldi, photograph from 1870

The build-up of forces and preparations (200 thousand French and 100 thousand Italians were preparing to move against Austria) led to increased tension between the powers. On April 26, 1859, the war began. The Austrians suffered defeat after defeat. The detachment of Giuseppe Garibaldi especially distinguished himself at the front, moving quite quickly deep into Austrian territories, taking city after city. Successes in the north caused the rise of the national movement. In Tuscany, Modena and the Papal States of Italy, the pro-Sardinian state of the United Provinces of Central Italy was formed.

Local rulers were forced to flee, and their power was gained by a provisional government, in which liberals had the greatest weight. This did not please Napoleon III, who, without warning his allies, made peace with Austria and left, having received what was promised. Sardinia, however, received Lombardy. The terms of the agreement also included the return of legitimate authorities to the center of Italy, but this was not destined to come true. During March 1860, the central regions of Italy: Parma, Piacenza and Tuscany joined the Kingdom of Sardinia. The territory of the Pope was greatly reduced, Venice remained under Austrian rule.

Annexation of Sicily

In the very south of Italy, in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, starting from 1849, hatred towards the ruling Bourbons and their regime accumulated. Hatred resulted in the Palermo uprising in 1860, which failed in the city, but spilled over into peasant unrest.

Departure of the Thousand from Genoa

When news of the uprising reached Piedmont, the Sicilian emigrants gathered there began hastily preparing to march south under the leadership of Giuseppe Garibaldi. The liberals did not really like the initiative of the democrats, but they could not do anything - by openly opposing, they would discredit themselves as leaders of the national liberation movement.

The Way of the Thousand Garibaldi

Soon 1,100 volunteers from all over Italy gathered: mainly the petty bourgeoisie and veterans of the Roman and Venetian Republics. It is not surprising that a detachment of veterans under the command of an experienced commander, famous throughout all previous wars as a skillful commander of volunteer detachments, crushed the Bourbon army at Calatafimi on May 15, 1860. Then Garibaldi maneuvered through the mountains and, together with the joining detachment of three thousand peasants, broke into Palermo.

Problems of unification

The arrival of Garibaldi revealed many problems not only in the Sicilian state, in which soldiers deserted en masse and/or went to serve the Piedmontese, but also in the very essence of the national movement. Thus, the government in the territories occupied by Garibaldi suppressed the protests of peasants who sought to socialize the lands. This did not add to Garibaldi's popularity among the peasantry. An equally strong split occurred in Piedmont: the liberals did not want to allow the strengthening of the Democrats and the growing popularity of revolutionary ideas, which could lead to the fall of the House of Savoy in Piedmont. Piedmont was also alarmed by Garibaldi’s plans to capture Rome - this could provoke French intervention.

One way or another, by the end of 1860, Italy was de jure united under the rule of Piedmont. The liberals did not allow the convening of a constituent assembly, so the territories were simply annexed to the Kingdom of Sardinia to the delight of the central and southern bourgeoisie and nobility. The Constituent Assembly would have been unpredictable; the House of Savoy already seemed like home. But the united kingdom immediately had a significant problem: peasant uprisings swept the south of Italy. Moreover, the Bourbons, who settled in Rome, played on the feelings of the peasants. The country actually found itself in conditions civil war. Before this, the bourgeoisie liberated the territory from alien rulers, but now they fought against their own people, who wanted justice.

Rome is ours

The Italian authorities were eager to annex the Eternal City and deal with the Bourbons settled there. They were hindered by the French corps guarding Rome. Having rejected revolutionary fervor, the liberals began to sell off church property - mainly land. As a consequence, the influence of the Holy See fell, but only slightly. Thus, the pope called on believers not to take part in political life Italy. This call was one of the reasons for the difference in the development of the urban north and the peasant religious south. Rome was annexed only when the Franco-Prussian War began and Napoleon III had to withdraw his troops. When Rome was taken in 1870, King Victor Emmanuel II uttered the famous phrase: “We have come to Rome and we will stay in it!” The Pope, the “eternal captive” of Italy, was left in possession of only the Vatican Palace. Since 1871, Rome has been the capital of the Kingdom of Italy.

The rise of a popular movement in the center of Italy threatened Napoleon III's plans to place a Bourbon protege on the throne of Tuscany. The defeat of the Austrians prompted Prussia to support Austria. The military and militaristic circles of Prussia and Bavaria insisted on their principalities entering the war on the side of Austria. A strong, centralized Italian state could emerge on the borders of the Bourbon empire. The prospect of the formation of a new great Mediterranean power, which would eventually turn into a rival of France, frightened Napoleon III and the entire French bourgeoisie. Bonapartist France feared the excessive strengthening of Piedmont. Finally, the flame of the people's liberation struggle could spread from Italy to France, which was also burdened by the Bonapartist dictatorship of Napoleon III. On July 8, 1859, Napoleon III, secretly from Camillo Cavour, met with the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph in the small town of Villafranca. At this meeting it was decided that Austria would cede Lombardy to Napoleon III; Napoleon III promised to transfer Lombardy to Piedmont; The old ducal rulers who fled to the Habsburgs will return to Tuscany and Modena. The power of the Pope was to be restored in all his former possessions, and Venice remained in the hands of Austria. These conditions were recorded in the preliminary peace treaty between France and Austria. So, behind the back of Cavour and all of Italy, Napoleon III dealt a mortal blow to the cause of Italian unification. Having received Savoy and Nice from Piedmont, Napoleon III ended the third war of independence. Only Lombardy was freed from Austrian rule and became part of the Sardinian kingdom.

The Villafranca Truce of July 11, 1859 (the so-called “Villafranca Preliminary, i.e., preliminary, agreement”) caused an explosion of indignation throughout Italy. Camillo Cavour resigned as Prime Minister of Sardinia. A groan of disappointment and indignation swept across Italy. The Piedmontese government made a formal protest to Napoleon III, but still did not dare to continue the war with Austria without a former ally, relying only on the masses. It, like the Bourbons, was also mortally afraid of people's war and people's revolution. In November 1859, the French and Piedmontese governments concluded a peace treaty with the Austrian government, according to which Lombardy was included in Piedmont, and Venice remained with Austria.

In the summer and autumn of 1859, Camillo Cavour's policies reached a dead end. The patriotic forces of Italy thought differently and were determined to prevent the deposed Italian dukes from returning to their former thrones. Generals arriving from Piedmont took command of troops in Tuscany, Parma, Modena and Romagna. It became clear that it would not be possible to impose the old order on the Italians or place a Bourbon protege on the throne without armed intervention from outside. Untie new war neither France nor Austria decided on the peninsula. In January 1860, Camillo Cavour returned to power in Sardinia (Piedmont) and announced nationwide plebiscites (referendums) regarding the future fate of the liberated territories. The vast majority of Italians supported the merger of Tuscany, Parma, Modena and Romagna with the Kingdom of Sardinia (Piedmont). In March 1860, Tuscany, Modena, Parma and part of Romagna, after a plebiscite held by the provisional governments together with Piedmontese emissaries, were officially annexed to Piedmont. In accordance with the previously reached agreement between Victor Emmanuel II and Napoleon III, Savoy and Nice passed to France from 1860.

Revolution of 1860 in southern Italy. March of the Garibaldi Thousand. The war between Sardinia and Austria became a turning point, a “fateful” moment in the history of Italy. The masses of Italy took action. Patriotic forces achieved the removal of Austrian garrisons from Tuscany, Parma and Modena. Romagna, part of the territory of the Papal States, rebelled, and anti-Bourbon protests unfolded in the Kingdom of Naples and especially in Sicily. At the end of 1859, an uprising broke out in Sicily against the Neapolitan monarchy and the Bourbon dynasty that reigned there. This island has long been turned into the “powder magazine” of Italy. Feudal remnants and the oppression of bourgeois exploitation were still intertwined here, which made the people's need unbearable. The influence of secret Mazzinist organizations was great in Sicily, and the uprising broke out not without their participation. With the goal of liberating Rome, Giuseppe Mazzini and the Mazzinist democrats called on the Italians to take revolutionary action in the papal dominions and in the Kingdom of Naples. Returning from exile, Mazzini and his entourage turned to Garibaldi with a request to organize a military expedition and provide armed assistance to the rebel Sicilians. Garibaldi hesitated for a long time, but still decided to organize the campaign. Democratic Mazzinist organizations began preparing a military expedition to Sicily to assist the rebels. Monetary donations were collected (the “Million Guns” voluntary fund), and volunteers were being recruited and trained. In May 1860, Giuseppe Garibaldi arrived with a detachment of volunteers - the famous “thousand red shirts” (actually there were one thousand two hundred volunteers) to help the rebels of Sicily. The composition of Garibaldi's detachment was heterogeneous: among the “red shirts” there were students, sailors, workers, fishermen, traders, carpenters, tailors, petty intellectuals, doctors, and hairdressers. Among the Garibaldians there were many foreigners: French, English, Hungarians, Poles, Swiss. Many of the Garibaldians had extensive experience in clandestine warfare in secret Mazzinist societies and fought on the bastions of the Roman and Venetian republics in 1848–1849. The famous Russian geographer and public figure L.I. Mechnikov, brother of the famous Russian biologist Ivan Mechnikov, took an active part in the liberation campaign of the Garibaldians in Sicily. L.I. Mechnikov was appointed adjutant of Garibaldi and was seriously wounded in one of the battles.

The Piedmontese government knew about Garibaldi's plans and did not approve of them. The preparations for the Sicilian expedition shocked Victor Emmanuel and Camillo Cavour. Even the monarchical slogans of loyalty, devotion to King Victor Emmanuel II and the Savoy dynasty, as well as the prospect of new territorial acquisitions did not suit the Piedmontese elite. She was seriously afraid of the revolutionary activity of the masses. The campaign of the Garibaldians was actively opposed by Camillo Cavour and moderate liberals. They did not want to spoil relations with Napoleon III, whose troops were stationed in Rome, protecting the temporal power of the Pope. Cavour was taken by surprise by the initiative of the Mazzinist democrats and in every possible way interfered with the organization of the campaign. Cavour was afraid to openly oppose Garibaldi - after all, such a position would incite him against him. public opinion. In addition, Garibaldi's popularity among the people far exceeded that of the official elite. Therefore, Cavour secretly created various obstacles for the Garibaldians, preventing them from sending the expedition to Sicily. The authorities refused to give the Garibaldian volunteers modern weapons purchased with patriotic donations. It was possible to obtain only a thousand old, almost unusable, guns.

The Garibaldi expedition (just over a thousand volunteers) on two ships, in secrecy, sailed from Genoa on the morning of May 6, 1860 under the slogan: “Long live a united Italy and King Victo of Italy.” O R-Emmanuel!” This was the slogan of the Mazzinist “Italian National Society”. At the last moment, Cavour gave the order to his fleet to stop the expedition by any means. The Garibaldians, knowing about Cavour's plans, sailed by a different route than expected. King Victor Emmanuel II of Piedmont told the Russian ambassador in Piedmont: “We renounce this expedition... Whether Garibaldi is captured or shot, no one will say anything... I myself would have shot him in 1849 if he had not escaped from me...”

According to the plan of Giuseppe Garibaldi, the military campaign of Garibaldi’s “thousand red shirts” was supposed to bring victory to the uprising in Sicily, from there the detachment was supposed to cross to Southern Italy and liberate it from the power of the Bourbons. After the Garibaldians landed in Sicily on May 11, 1860, thousands of local Sicilians, peasants and workers began to join them. The legendary Garibaldian epic began. A twenty-five thousand strong royal army led by the most experienced generals, cavalry and police units, and artillery were stationed on the island. Much in such cases depended on the outcome of the first battle. It occurred near the town of Calatafimi four days after the landing in Sicily. Garibaldi skillfully used the tactics of maneuver combat and guerrilla warfare. The Garibaldians, dressed in red shirts (like their leader), drove back the Bourbon troops in a fierce bayonet attack. The troops of the Neapolitan king Francis (Francesco) II were defeated, and soon all of Sicily was liberated. General Garibaldi was proud of the Battle of Calatafimi until the end of his days. By this time, Garibaldi's revolutionary army numbered twenty-five thousand fighters. After such victories, both the Piedmontese monarch Victor Emmanuel and his cunning Prime Minister Cavour turned a blind eye to the recruitment of volunteers and the collection of money to help Garibaldi’s “thousand red shirts.”

Having won an important victory at Calatafimi, the Garibaldians made a skillful, hidden maneuver through the mountains and approached Palermo. They were joined by an armed detachment of local peasants of three thousand people; together they stormed Palermo. A popular uprising was already raging there. The Bourbon command requested a truce and left Palermo. Following Palermo, uprisings engulfed many cities in Sicily. Garibaldi's campaign coincided with a broad popular movement unfolding in Sicily. The peasants rose up to fight in the rear of the royal troops, facilitating the advance of Garibaldi's troops. Garibaldi felt like a revolutionary dictator of Italy with unlimited powers, establishing a regime everywhere revolutionary dictatorship. In the liberated areas, measures were taken to win over the masses of the people, including peasants, under the Garibaldi banner: taxes on grain grinding and on imported food products were abolished. All those who joined the liberation struggle were promised a plot of communal or royal land. Detachments of armed sharecroppers and farm laborers captured and divided the landowners' lands. However, these measures were not enough to provide Garibaldi with strong support from the peasant masses.

In the summer of 1860, Italian landowners began to interfere with the division of communal lands, then the wave of peasant uprisings rose even higher. The peasants began to seize not only communal, but also private, “own” lands of the landowners. From that moment, fearing a new transfer of land ownership to the landowners, the revolutionary-democratic, but at the same time bourgeois, government of Garibaldi began to suppress peasant uprisings. The Garibaldi authorities began to ask for help from the former official authorities. The new revolutionary bourgeois government resolutely stood up to defend the inviolability, inviolability and sanctity of the right to private ownership of land. The most severe punitive measures were applied to its violators, including executions. The landowners themselves created their own national guard and with its help they suppressed pockets of peasant resistance. The peasant enthusiasm caused by the arrival of the Garibaldians quickly evaporated, the peasants left the Garibaldian detachments. The influx of volunteer peasants from the north into the Garibaldian detachments ceased; the alliance of revolutionary democrats with the peasant masses showed its first crack.

Having entrusted the management of the island to his assistants, Garibaldi was mainly involved in military affairs. After the Battle of Milazzo on July 20, 1860, the Bourbons were expelled from Eastern Sicily, and Garibaldi began to prepare for landing on the continent. In its ranks, in addition to “a thousand red shirts,” there were twenty thousand volunteers who arrived from the cities of Northern Italy, and about three thousand Sicilian peasants who joined him - a total of about twenty-four thousand people. The Sardinian authorities at that time took an ambivalent position. On the one hand, Cavour now hoped to overthrow the Bourbons with the help of Garibaldi and subordinate the Kingdom of Naples to the power of the Savoy dynasty. On the other hand, Cavour’s plans did not include the proclamation of a republic. In an official letter to Garibaldi, Camillo Cavour ordered him in a commanding tone not to move with his troops from the island to the continent, and in an unofficial letter he invited him not to stop halfway. An open alliance with the Bourbons would immediately sweep away Cavour's cabinet. King Victor Emmanuel II sent his adjutant to Garibaldi with a personal message not to cross to the continent.

Having liberated all of Sicily and disobeyed their king, on August 17 (according to other sources - August 19), 1860, Garibaldi's troops landed in the south of the Apennine Peninsula, in Calabria. There, popular uprisings were already in full swing; the soldiers of the Neapolitan king Francis II (Francesco II) threw down their weapons in the thousands and surrendered. Government troops were demoralized, the monarchy showed complete powerlessness in the face of uprisings from the lower classes. The weakness and rottenness of the Bourbon regime made it easier for the Garibaldians to capture Naples. The soldiers themselves surrendered with the words: “Long live Garibaldi!” King Francis II with the remnants of his loyal troops fled from Naples to the neighboring sea fortress of Gaeta. On the twentieth day of the landing in Calabria, September 7, 1860, Garibaldi's army victoriously, without a fight, entered jubilant Naples. Later, Garibaldi wrote this about the entry of his troops into Naples: “On September 7, 1860, the proletarian entered Naples with his friends in red shirts... The people's liberators occupied the still warm royal nest. The luxurious royal carpets were trampled under the boots of the proletarians...” And, although Giuseppe Garibaldi was never a proletarian, his victory over the Bourbons was a truly popular victory.

Soon the Gaeta fortress also fell, and the Neapolitan king Francis II (Francesco II) was forced to flee to Rome. The final defeat of the Bourbon troops came at Volturno in October 1860. The fate of the Bourbon dynasty and the entire Kingdom of Naples was decided. Garibaldi became the de facto dictator of the entire south of Italy. So, the popular revolution in the southern regions of Italy swept away the reactionary-monarchical regime of the Bourbons, and the southern Italian peasantry made a huge contribution to this victory. Hoping for support from the Garibaldian authorities, the peasants miscalculated. The decree on the transfer of state lands to the peasants was not implemented, the seizure of landowners' lands by peasants was brutally suppressed, and uprisings in the villages were mercilessly suppressed by punitive forces.

The confrontation between liberal monarchists and democrats resulted in a sharp conflict between Cavour and Garibaldi. After the liberation of Sicily, Cavour scattered A expressed pleasantries to Garibaldi, saying that “Garibaldi rendered Italy the greatest services that only a man can render to his homeland.” But, having learned that Garibaldi was in no hurry to immediately annex Sicily to Piedmont, Cavour began to accuse him of “closing ranks with the people of the revolution, sowing disorder and anarchy in his path.” Cavour decided to prevent the march of Garibaldi’s “thousand” into Central Italy and began to act ahead of the democrats. He convinced Napoleon III of the need for quick, immediate action to prevent a popular, democratic revolution in Piedmont. Having obtained the consent of the French emperor and in order to prevent the invasion of Garibaldi’s “thousand” into the Papal States, three days after Garibaldi entered Naples, Piedmontese troops, at the command of Cavour, themselves invaded the Papal States, liberated the provinces of Marche and Umbria, and simultaneously suppressed the anti-papal movement there. Thus, the possibility of military action by Garibaldi against the Papal States was excluded. In a letter to the Piedmontese ambassador in Paris, Camillo Cavour wrote: “I will make every effort to prevent the Italian movement from becoming revolutionary... I am ready to do anything for this. If Garibaldi takes possession of the entire Kingdom of Naples, ... we will no longer be able to resist him.” From the Papal States, Piedmontese troops from the north invaded the Kingdom of Naples to thwart Garibaldi's troops.

Now the revolutionary commander intended to march on Rome and then liberate Venice. His revolutionary army already numbered fifty thousand fighters from the northern and central provinces of the country. Among them were many staunch Republicans. Leading Democratic leaders, including Giuseppe Mazzini, gathered in Naples. Italian democrats - Giuseppe Mazzini and his supporters - advised Garibaldi to retain dictatorial powers and use them to liberate the Papal States and then Venice by military means.

Garibaldi was in no hurry to convene the Constituent Assembly in order to seize control of all Italian lands and annex them to Piedmont. But the liberals surrounded by Camillo Cavour thwarted his plans and did not allow him to O greater democratization of the nascent Italian state. The growth of revolutionary and republican sentiments in the country would threaten the existence of the Piedmontese monarchy and the Savoy dynasty of Victor Emmanuel II. And after the fall of the Piedmontese monarchy, the question of eliminating the temporal power of the Pope would inevitably arise. Such an undesirable turn of events would inevitably entail the intervention of foreign troops in Italian affairs. Napoleon III was the first to intervene in Italy.

By the autumn of 1860, the situation in the Italian countryside had worsened again. The encroachment of landless peasants on former communal lands frightened the local bourgeoisie of Calabria (they themselves hoped to acquire these lands). The southern Italian authorities responded to the growth of the peasant movement with repression. In response, crowds of peasants carried out reprisals against liberals and the National Guard. The government's half-hearted policy on the agrarian issue threw the peasantry into the feudal camp, the camp of counter-revolution. The sympathy of the peasants for the Garibaldians gave way to indifference, and then hostility. The revolution deepened and grew, and under these conditions the propertied elite of southern Italy began to demand the speedy merger of Naples with Piedmont. The Savoy monarchy of Victor Emmanuel II acted as a reliable guarantor of the inviolability of private property against the backdrop of the flaring up peasant movement. There was also unrest in the cities of Italy, where the young Italian proletariat rose to fight. King Victor Emmanuel II was literally bombarded with petitions to “restore peace and order.” In response to the petitions, the king addressed the Italians with his petition: “People of Southern Italy! My troops are coming to you to restore order!”

Maintaining power even in the south was not an easy task for Garibaldi. He would never have been able to enter into open conflict with the Piedmontese monarchy and become the leader of the peasant revolution, and he would not have agreed to do so. Frightened by the horrors of the “fratricidal war” with Piedmont, Garibaldi agreed to the demands of Victor Emmanuel II to organize a plebiscite on the immediate annexation of Naples to Piedmont and called on the southerners to support the accession. The poor southern Italian peasantry, vaguely aware of what awaited them after the annexation, voted in support of the plebiscite because “Don Peppino said so” (as Garibaldi was called by the commoners). The bourgeois, liberals and noble landowners also voted for annexation, hoping that this would end the revolution. It was not possible to unite Italy through revolutionary-democratic means “from below.” The social base of the democratic movement has narrowed. A plebiscite (popular vote) held in Naples on October 21, 1860 overwhelmingly favored the annexation of Southern Italy to the Sardinian Monarchy (Piedmont). In November, it included the provinces of Umbria and Marche. Thus, by the end of 1860, Italy was virtually unified (except for Rome with the region of Lazio and Venice).

Based on the alliance between the liberals and the Savoy dynasty, the “Cavourists” gained the upper hand in the fight against the democrats. Garibaldi's request to transfer to him the supreme control of Southern Italy for a year was rejected by King Victor Emmanuel II. Garibaldi's dictatorship was abolished, his decrees were repealed, his revolutionary army was disbanded. Refusing all honors and awards, in November 1860 Giuseppe Garibaldi left for his small, tiny rocky island of Caprera, near Sicily (he bought it back in the 1850s). The Russian democratic writer Alexander Herzen wrote about Garibaldi’s departure from Naples: “He and a handful of people defeated the army, liberated the whole country and was released from it, as a coachman is released when he has driven to the post station.” Now, on a “legal basis,” the Piedmontese authorities could set about “restoring order”: they canceled all the revolutionary decrees of Garibaldi, disbanded the peasant detachments, and sent punitive forces to the “rebellious” villages.

So, by the beginning of 1861, all of Italy, with the exception of Venice and Rome, was united under the rule of the Sardinian king Victus O Ra-Emmanuel II. King Victus of Sardinia O R-Emmanuel II solemnly entered Naples, accompanied by Garibaldi. In February 1861 in the capital of Piedmont - the city of Tours And not - the meetings of the first all-Italian parliament opened. The first all-Italian parliament declared Sardinia, together with all the lands annexed to it, as the Kingdom of Italy with a population of twenty-two million people. March 14th King Vict O R-Emmanuel II was proclaimed King of Italy. Florence became the capital of the united Italian kingdom. In April 1861, Camillo Cavour died suddenly. Garibaldi repeatedly tried to organize new campaigns of volunteers in order to achieve the liberation and annexation of Venice and Rome to the Italian state.

This was how one of the main tasks of the Risorgimento was solved - the unification of Italy, but without the Papal States and Venice. Comparing the unification of Italy and Germany, it must be emphasized that in Germany the decisive role in the unification was played by wars under the leadership of Prussia. In Italy, a complex interweaving of various political forces emerged, competing with each other. Revolutionary democratic forces, republicans, liberal circles of the nobility and bourgeoisie - the “moderate party”, the Sardinian dynasty, which advocated the preservation of the monarchy - the struggle of these movements led to the incompleteness of the Risorgimento, both in terms of social tasks and in terms of postponing the decision on the issue of accession Papal States and Venice.

However, the unification of Italy was not fully completed, it was not completed. Several million Italians still remained under Austrian rule in the Venetian region and under the rule of the Pope, protected by French troops. The unification of Italy was accompanied by unification in legislation, judicial, monetary, customs systems, systems of weights and measures, and taxation. In Italy, rapid construction of railways began (over the decade from 1861 to 1871, their length increased from two and a half thousand - 2,500 kilometers to six thousand, two hundred - 6,200 kilometers). The main regions of Italy were connected by railways, which accelerated the formation of a single national market. True, his appearance did not improve the living conditions of the people. The tax burden increased and indirect taxes on food were introduced. Back in the 1840s, a labor movement emerged in Italy (mainly in the Sardinian kingdom). By the 1860s, mutual aid societies began to appear in many regions of Italy, which were influenced by moderate liberals and were engaged in improving the financial situation of workers. By the beginning of the 1870s, there were more than one thousand four hundred such mutual aid societies, compared to two hundred and thirty-four in 1860. The labor movement gradually acquired an all-Italian character. In the first half of the 1860s, the influence of Mazzini's supporters prevailed in workers' organizations. They involved workers in the struggle for universal suffrage.

The situation in Italy in the 1860s was extremely tense. The young Italian kingdom faced difficult problems. One of them was the uprising of the Neapolitan peasantry. Not receiving the promised land, the rural masses of southern Italy rose up against new government, now in the hands of the new bourgeois masters. On January 1, 1861, the new authorities adopted a decree on the division of former communal lands (which the lower peasantry had long dreamed of), but soon abandoned its implementation. The remnants of the overthrown Bourbon dynasty set the peasants against the new authorities, playing on the naive faith of the peasants in the Bourbons as intercessors and defenders of the rural people. Repeated attempts were made to restore the deposed Bourbons to the throne instead of the ruling Savoy dynasty. The reaction hoped to rouse the Italian countryside to revolt and restore the Bourbons. The reaction was supported by former soldiers and officers of the dispersed Bourbon troops, dissatisfied with the dominance of the new “liberals” in the countryside. Later, official historians considered this movement “gangster,” “mafia,” simplistically explaining everything by the southerners’ tendency to solve all problems by force, their “innate” love of robbery and terror. It was from the middle of the 19th century that the role of the mafia began to increase in Sicily - criminal groups operating under the guise of local authorities and administrations, in connection with local oligarchs. The mafia instilled an atmosphere of tyranny, violence, political murders and racketeering (extortion). In fact, in reality, this social movement had social roots and expressed the social protest of the village lower classes against poverty and oppression. There was no “commitment” of the southerners to the overthrown Bourbon dynasty. The fight against mafia banditry lasted for many decades.

Since the summer of 1861, the situation in southern Italy resembled a civil war: pogroms of municipalities, destruction of court and debt documents, reprisals against liberals, land seizures, imposition of indemnities on the rich. Government troops entered into battles with rebel groups of southerners, carried out executions and repressions. A government army of one hundred and twenty thousand (120,000) was concentrated in southern Italy. Only by 1865 was the peasant movement in the south managed to be suppressed. Over the years, more than five thousand Italians were killed and wounded.

The process of forming a unified Italian state was also complex and difficult in other regions of Italy, although it was not as acute as in the south. The introduction of new, bourgeois legal norms, the tax system, and church law took the 1860-1870s. The unification of Italy was accompanied by unification in legislation, judicial, monetary, customs systems, systems of weights and measures, and taxation. In Italy, rapid construction of railways began (over the decade from 1861 to 1871, their length increased from two and a half thousand - 2,500 kilometers to six thousand, two hundred - 6,200 kilometers). The main regions of Italy were connected by railways, which accelerated the formation of a single national market. Rapid banking activity was accompanied by unprecedented speculation and shady transactions, which laid the foundation for large oligarchic fortunes and powerful financial and industrial clans. True, these changes did not improve the living conditions of the people. The tax burden increased and indirect taxes on food were introduced. Back in the 1840s, a labor movement emerged in Italy (mainly in the Sardinian kingdom). By the 1860s, mutual aid societies began to appear in many regions of Italy, which were influenced by moderate liberals and were engaged in improving the financial situation of workers. By the beginning of the 1870s, there were more than one thousand four hundred such mutual aid societies, compared to two hundred and thirty-four in 1860. The labor movement gradually acquired an all-Italian character. In the first half of the 1860s, the influence of Mazzini's supporters prevailed in workers' organizations. They involved workers in the struggle for universal suffrage.

After the defeat of the revolution of 1848 - 1849, Italy remained fragmented. The Lombardo-Venetian region was ruled by the Habsburgs, and the small duchies of Modena, Parma and Tuscany were under Austrian influence. There were Austrian troops there. There was a French garrison in Rome since 1849. In the south, Ferdinand II ruled in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Piedmont was ruled by King Victor Emmanuel II. After the revolution, he retained the tricolor national banner and the constitutional order.

Economic development of Italy after the crisis of 1847 - 1848. continued. Large-scale production was developed, new factories and factories were built. Construction of railways continued. By 1859, more than 1,700 km of railways had been built in Italy. Half of them were in Piedmont. However, the fragmentation of Italy significantly hampered the development of its economy.

Piedmont took upon itself the task of unifying Italy. In 1852, Camillo-Benzo Cavour became Sardinian Prime Minister. He concluded free trade agreements with England and France, which further accelerated the industrial revolution in Italy. Cavour sought to annex the Lombardo-Venetian region and the duchies of Central Italy, which were under the influence of Austria, to Piedmont.

To oust the Austrians from Italy, Cavour decided to enlist the support of France. During Crimean War A 15,000-strong Sardinian army went to the aid of France, although Sardinia had no interests in the Black Sea. In 1858, Cavour had a secret meeting with Napoleon III in Plombières. Napoleon III promised Piedmont help in the war with Austria. France wanted to weaken Austria and take possession of Savoy and Nice. Napoleon III concluded a secret agreement with Russia and achieved friendly neutrality from it. Alexander II promised to advance the army to the Austrian border.

The war began at the end of April 1859. Austria hoped to deal with the army of Victor Emmanuel II before the appearance of French troops in the river valley. By. However, thanks to the development of transport, French troops found themselves in Italy just a few days after the start of the war. At the end of May, Franco-Sardinian troops went on the offensive. On June 4, 1859, the Austrian army was defeated at Magenta. Franco-Sardinian troops took possession of Lombardy and continued moving along the river valley. By. On June 24, the Austrian army was defeated at the Battle of Solferino. The actions of the Franco-Sardinian troops were actively supported by the people who did not want Austrian domination. An uprising began in Florence, the capital of Tuscany, and the local duke fled to Vienna. D. Garibaldi fought in the ranks of the Sardinian army as a general.

Victory over Austria was already close, but on August 11, 1859, after a personal meeting between Napoleon III and the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph in the city of Villafranca, a truce was concluded with Austria, and then a peace treaty. The defeat of Austria was already obvious, but for several reasons Napoleon III did not want to bring the war to an end. First of all, he did not pursue the goal of unifying Italy; on the contrary, a strong Italy could only hinder France. In addition, in Italy the people were rising up to fight, and the French emperor also feared this. Under the terms of the truce, only Lombardy passed to Piedmont. Venice was left to Austria. Supreme power on the Apennine Peninsula was not entrusted to Victor Emmanuel II, but to Pope Pius IX. The exiled dukes returned to Modena, Parma and Tuscany.

However, it was not possible to fully implement the peace conditions. From the end of 1859, popular protests began in Italy. In Modena, Parma and Tuscany, the dukes were unable to establish themselves on their thrones. National assemblies were elected by popular vote and decided to annex Modena, Parma and Tuscany to Piedmont. Soon the papal Romagna joined them. Napoleon III did not have the opportunity to suppress revolutionary uprisings and was forced to agree to this. According to the treaty with Cavour, France received Savoy and Nice, where the French population predominated.

In April 1860, an uprising broke out in Palermo, in southern Italy. Mazzini sent reinforcements to the rebels led by Garibaldi. Peasants began to join Garibaldi's detachment. This rallying of forces allowed him to defeat the royal troops at the Battle of Calatafimi on May 15, 1860. On September 7, Garibaldi solemnly entered Naples, the capital of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Francis II fled.

After such victories, the Cavour government stopped supporting Garibaldi and transferred troops to the border of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. On October 15, 1860, a 20,000-strong detachment of the Piedmontese army entered the Kingdom of Naples. Garibaldi did not resist and ceded power to King Victor Emmanuel. After this, a popular vote was organized, and the south of Italy was also annexed to Piedmont.

A new constitution was introduced for all of Italy, modeled on the Piedmontese Constitution of 1848. A bicameral parliamentary system was established. The upper house - the Senate - included princes of the blood and members appointed for life. Deputies to the lower house were elected on the basis of a high property qualification. Initially, the number of voters was only 2.5% of the total population. The king had significant executive power and could dissolve parliament at his discretion. The government of the united Italian kingdom was headed by liberals - supporters of Cavour.

The Roman and Venetian regions remained unannexed. Venice was controlled by the Austrians, and Rome by the French. In 1866, the government of Victor Emmanuel II entered into an agreement with Prussia and took part in the war with Austria. Italian troops suffered heavy defeats from the Austrians, but Austria was defeated by the Prussian army. According to the Treaty of Prague, the Venetian region was first transferred to Napoleon III and then became part of the Kingdom of Italy.

Garibaldi tried to capture Rome. In the summer of 1862 he landed in Sicily and crossed over to Calabria. But in the battle with the royal troops at Aspromonte on August 29, 1862, he was seriously wounded and captured. In 1867, Garibaldi's detachment made another attempt to invade Rome, but was met by French troops and scattered. Rome was captured only in the fall of 1870, due to the defeat of France in the war with Prussia. On September 20, 1870, Victor Emmanuel's troops occupied Rome. Rome was declared the capital of the Kingdom of Italy. The Pope retained power only in the Vatican.

There was some growth in the Spanish economy during this period, but overall Spain lagged far behind developed countries in this regard. European countries, especially England and France. The industrial revolution in Spain began in the 40s of the 19th century. By 1846, there were more than 100 thousand textile workers and 1200 thousand spindle workers in Catalonia. The tobacco industry grew in Seville and other cities. At the end of the 40s, the first railways appeared, and by 1865 their total length reached 4.7 thousand km. Foreign and domestic trade grew. Coal, iron, cotton, cars were imported into Spain, and mainly raw materials (primarily iron, copper and lead ores) and agricultural products (wines, fruits, olive oil), as well as mercury and wool were exported. Banks began to open in a number of cities. Internal trade also grew. However, in general, Spain lagged far behind the most developed countries in Europe - England and France. Thus, in the 60s, iron smelting and coal production in Spain was 10-11 times less than in France and tens of times less than in England. The tonnage of all Spanish merchant ships was in mid. In the 60s, about 1/13 of the tonnage of English ships and 2/5 of French ones. The ratio of foreign trade turnover between Spain and England was 1 to 13. New economic relations also penetrated into agriculture, where production for sale became increasingly widespread, especially in winemaking and horticulture. The estates of the landowners and the bourgeoisie began to merge: the nobles ceased to consider trading as shameful, and the bourgeoisie became landowners.

In 1857, the population of Spain was 15.5 million people. The total number of workers (in all branches of production) is 200 thousand. Of these, more than half were employed in textile and Food Industry. About 64 thousand people worked in mining, metallurgy and metalworking enterprises. Small enterprises continued to predominate. Many industries, such as leather and winemaking, remained artisanal. There were approx. craftsmen. 900 thousand people. With families, workers and artisans made up about 3 million people (19.3%). The bulk of the population remained the peasantry. During this period, workers' organizations began to be created in Spain. In 1840, the Barcelona Hand Weavers' Union was founded. In 1854, societies of workers of various professions in Barcelona created their own association, the Union of Classes.

Task 33. In 1849 in Germany, the artist A. Rethel created a woodcut and called it “Dance of Death.”
Look at the illustration. Think about what events could prompt the artist to create this work. What details of the engraving help us guess about the author’s attitude to these events?

The engraving is dedicated to the events of 1848 in Germany. Its actual name is "Death the Conqueror". In the center we see Death, holding the banner of rebellion and standing on a barricade. Volleys of grapeshot sweep away the defenders of the barricade - the workers. In the gaze of the dying man, turned to Death, a plea for help is mixed with disappointed hope. Death, wearing the crown of victory, looking back at the faceless soldiers, leaves and leaves the dead, wounded, crying widows and orphans on the barricades. The revolution caused deep disappointment in Rethel - convinced of the hopelessness of the struggle, he considered those who called for an uprising of the dispossessed and poor to be deceivers, which is noticeable in the most characteristic details - triumphant death and a dying worker.

Task 34. On contour map mark Prussia's borders by 1864; paint in one color the territories captured by Prussia in 1864-1866, in another color - the states included in the North German Union, and mark the borders of this Union; arrows indicate the advances of Prussian troops in the wars with Denmark and Austria.

Task 35. Write two characteristics of Otto von Bismarck as a political figure: through the eyes of a Prussian journalist and through the eyes of an Austrian journalist.

1. Bismarck is a man of stormy temperament and extremely decisive. He has a strong character and does not stop at any difficulties. He believes that the strong are always right and builds his entire policy on this, preferring to act with “iron and blood” than with speeches and resolutions. At the same time, Bismarck knows how to realistically assess the situation and rationally choose allies. Despite his conservative views, he shows flexibility in resolving internal political issues, entering into agreements with various layers of German society (Prussian journalist).
2. Bismarck is an active, decisive and firm person in his intentions. While paying tribute to these character traits, it should be noted that Bismarck often acts unceremoniously, preferring brute force and pressure and in every possible way rejecting a civilized discussion of the issue. It is difficult to rely on Bismarck as a politician and diplomat - if his yesterday’s ally is not satisfied with something, then Bismarck turns his back on him or becomes his enemy. He doesn't respect any agreements. It may seem that he is an unprincipled person and does not have strong convictions - he so easily forgets his personal sympathies, entering into agreements with the people he needs (Austrian journalist).

Task 36. Shortly before Garibaldi's campaign in Sicily, a correspondent of one of the Turin newspapers interviewed him and Cavour. Politicians were asked to answer the same questions.

1. What do you see main goal own life?
2. How do you expect to achieve your goal?
3. What shape political structure Do you consider Italy preferable?
4. Are you thinking of doing anything to improve the situation of the common people?
How do you think Garibaldi and Cavour responded? Write down their answers. Use the text in § 17 of the textbook as a hint.

Task 37. On a contour map, mark the borders of Italy by 1859; paint free and dependent territories with different colors; mark the sites of battles during the wars with Austria; arrows indicate the path of the “thousand Garibaldi” during the 1860 campaign in Sicily and Southern Italy; mark the sites of battles between Garibaldi's army and the troops of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies; mark the borders of the Kingdom of Italy by 1861, the route to Rome of the army of the Kingdom of Italy in 1870, the borders of the united kingdom by 1871.

Task 38. Victor Hugo wrote:

“What is Garibaldi? Man, nothing more. But the man himself in a high sense words. A man of freedom, a man of humanity... Does he have an army? No. Only a handful of volunteers. Combat supplies? No. Powder? Several barrels. Guns? Taken from the enemy. What is his strength? What gives him victory? What's the price for it? Soul of Nations."
Do you agree with this high assessment? If you agree, then why?

I completely agree with the assessment. Garibaldi was true folk hero, a selfless, noble and selfless man, convinced of the justice of revolutionary ideas and who devoted all his strength to the struggle for the unity of Italy and the freedom of the common people.

Task 39. Continue the sentence.

The unification of Italy and the creation of a united kingdom was of great importance for the country, since...
created conditions for economic development countries, reforms government structure, the establishment of civil rights and freedoms and the abolition of feudal remnants.

Task 40. Read an excerpt from historical source and answer the questions.

From the memoirs of Garibaldi (about the events of 1859-1860)
“I can proudly say: I was and remain a Republican, but at the same time I never believed that democracy is the only possible system that should be imposed by force on the majority of the nation. In a free country, where a valiant majority of the people voluntarily speak out for a republic, there, of course, a republic is the best form of government... But since under present conditions, at least now, in 1859, a republic is impossible... then, since the opportunity presented itself to unite the peninsula by combining the interests of dynastic forces with national ones, I unconditionally joined this ... "

About what historical event writes Garibaldi in his memoirs?
About the unification of Italy, namely about the war with Austria and the annexation of Central Italy;

How would you characterize Garibaldi's political views?
Being a staunch republican, Garibaldi was a patriot of his country and considered it possible to unite various political forces in achieving a common goal.

Express your judgment about this person's beliefs.
Garibaldi is an icon to follow. A staunch supporter of the revolutionary idea, all his life he selflessly and unselfishly fought for the unity and freedom of his homeland, the triumph of justice.

Task No. 33. In 1849 in Germany, the artist A. Rethel created a woodcut and called it “Dance of Death”

Look at the illustration. Think about what events could prompt the artist to create this work. What details of the engraving help us guess about the author’s attitude to these events?

The engraving is dedicated to the events of 1848 in Germany. Its actual name is “Death the Conqueror.” In the center we see Death, holding the banner of rebellion and standing on a barricade. Volleys of grapeshot sweep away the defenders of the barricade - the workers. In the gaze of the dying man, turned to Death, a plea for help is mixed with disappointed hope. Death, wearing the crown of victory, looking back at the faceless soldiers, leaves and leaves the dead, wounded, crying widows and orphans on the barricades. The revolution caused deep disappointment in Rethel - convinced of the hopelessness of the struggle, he considered those who called for an uprising of the dispossessed and poor to be deceivers, which is noticeable in the most characteristic details - triumphant death and a dying worker

Task No. 34. On the contour map, mark the borders of Prussia by 1864; paint in one color the territories captured by Prussia in 1864-1866, in another color - the states included in the North German Union, and mark the borders of this Union; arrows indicate the advances of Prussian troops in the wars with Denmark and Austria

Task No. 35. Write two characteristics of Otto von Bismarck as a political figure: through the eyes of a Prussian journalist and through the eyes of an Austrian journalist

1. Bismarck is a man of violent temperament and extremely decisive. He has a strong character and does not stop at any difficulties. He believes that the strong are always right and builds his entire policy on this, preferring to act with “iron and blood” than with speeches and resolutions. At the same time, Bismarck knows how to realistically assess the situation and rationally choose allies. Despite his conservative views, he shows flexibility in resolving internal political issues, entering into agreements with various layers of German society (Prussian journalist)

2. Bismarck is an active, decisive and firm person in his intentions. While paying tribute to these character traits, it should be noted that Bismarck often acts unceremoniously, preferring brute force and pressure and in every possible way rejecting a civilized discussion of the issue. It is difficult to rely on Bismarck as a politician and diplomat - if his yesterday’s ally is not satisfied with something, then Bismarck turns his back on him or becomes his enemy. He doesn't respect any agreements. It may seem that he is an unprincipled person and does not have strong convictions - he so easily forgets his personal sympathies, entering into agreements with the people he needs (Austrian journalist)

Task No. 36. Shortly before Garibaldi’s campaign in Sicily, a correspondent of one of the Turin newspapers interviewed him and Cavour. Politicians were asked to answer the same questions

1. What do you see as the main purpose of your life?

2. How do you expect to achieve your goal?

3. What form of political structure in Italy do you consider preferable?

4. Are you thinking of doing anything to improve the situation of the common people?

How do you think Garibaldi and Cavour responded? Write down their answers. Use the text in § 17 of the textbook as a hint.

Task No. 37. On the contour map, mark the borders of Italy by 1859; paint free and dependent territories with different colors; mark the sites of battles during the wars with Austria; arrows indicate the path of the “thousand Garibaldi” during the 1860 campaign in Sicily and Southern Italy; mark the sites of battles between Garibaldi's army and the troops of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies; mark the borders of the Kingdom of Italy by 1861, the route to Rome of the army of the Kingdom of Italy in 1870, the borders of the united kingdom by 1871.

Task No. 38. Victor Hugo wrote:

“What is Garibaldi? Man, nothing more. But a man in the highest sense of the word. A man of freedom, a man of humanity... Does he have an army? No. Only a handful of volunteers. Combat supplies? No. Powder? Several barrels. Guns? Taken from the enemy. What is his strength? What gives him victory? What's the price for it? Soul of Nations"

Do you agree with this high assessment? If you agree, then why?

I completely agree with the assessment. Garibaldi was a true folk hero, a selfless, noble and selfless man, convinced of the justice of revolutionary ideas and devoted all his strength to the struggle for the unity of Italy and the freedom of the common people

Task No. 39. Continue the phrase

The unification of Italy and the creation of a united kingdom was of great importance for the country, since...

created conditions for the economic development of the country, reform of the government, the establishment of civil rights and freedoms and the abolition of feudal remnants

Task No. 40. Read an excerpt from a historical source and answer the questions

From the memoirs of Garibaldi (about the events of 1859-1860)

“I can proudly say: I was and remain a Republican, but at the same time I never believed that democracy was the only possible system that should be imposed by force on the majority of the nation. In a free country, where a valiant majority of the people voluntarily speak out for a republic, there, of course, a republic is the best form of government... But since under present conditions, at least now, in 1859, a republic is impossible... then, since the opportunity has arisen to unite the peninsula by combining the interests of dynastic forces with national ones, I unconditionally joined this ... "

What historical event does Garibaldi write about in his memoirs?

How would you characterize Garibaldi's political views?

Express your judgment about this person's beliefs

* On the unification of Italy, namely on the war with Austria and the annexation of Central Italy

* Being a convinced republican, Garibaldi was a patriot of his country and considered it possible to unite various political forces in achieving a common goal

*Garibaldi is an icon to follow. A staunch supporter of the revolutionary idea, all his life he selflessly and unselfishly fought for the unity and freedom of his homeland, the triumph of justice

Task No. 41. Use the “+” or “-” sign to indicate whether you agree with these judgments

Causes of the Franco-Prussian War:

1) Napoleon III wanted to strengthen his “shaky throne” through a victorious war

2) Pope Pius IX pushed Napoleon III to war with Prussia

3) rivalry between France and Prussia for leadership in Europe

4) Napoleon III sought to strengthen French influence in Spain, while Bismarck wanted to make Spain politically dependent on Prussia

5) Bismarck hoped that victory over France would allow Prussia to complete the unification of the country and create the German Empire

6) in an effort to provoke war, Bismarck gave a message to the newspapers, the content of which was offensive to the French government

1	2	3	4	5	6
+	-	+	-	+	-

Task No. 42. After the defeat of the French army at Sedan, an article “Near Sedan, Napoleon III found his Waterloo” appeared in one of the Parisian newspapers.

No wonder Napoleon III was called the “younger Napoleon.” The French, who once chose Napoleon as their emperor, hoped that he would be like his famous relative, who cared about the well-being of France and ordinary Frenchmen, who made his country proud and was loved by the people for it. The history of the first empire ended at Waterloo and, as a mockery, fate finally revealed to France the only similarity between the current emperor and his great ancestor - the second empire also found its end after a military disaster, but already at Sedan

Task No. 43. What major events, associated with the national unification of Italy and Germany, occurred in the years indicated?

1859 - victory of the Sardinian Kingdom (Piedmont) in the war with Austria and the annexation of Lombardy

1860 - annexation to the Sardinian kingdom of Central Italy, convening of the first Italian parliament and Garibaldi's expedition to Sicily

1861 - Victor Emmanuel II is proclaimed king of a united Italy

1866 - creation of the North German Confederation. Annexation of the Venetian region to Italy

1870 - Beginning of the Franco-Prussian War. Completion of the unification of Italy - liberation of Rome

1871 - January 18 proclaimed German Empire, which united the North German Confederation with other German states