Lev Davidovich Trotsky - the life path of a revolutionary romantic. Leon Trotsky as the leader of the October Revolution. The role of Trotsky in the revolution of 1917

In the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia, L. Trotsky undoubtedly played an important role as the ideologist of spontaneous Victory, with its transfer to Europe, and then to the world space. This moment of Victory (at any cost!) was clearly presented to me after watching the TV movie “Trotsky”. However, the glorification of one of the most brutal leaders of the October Revolution is completely inappropriate in the year of its centenary. Yes, it was Lev Davidovich who played a significant role in the October Revolution in Petrograd in 17, heading the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. The revolution in Russia was inevitable, no matter who led the uprising itself: Stalin, Zinoviev or Kamenev. Most likely, Comrade Koba would have done this, since V.I. Lenin personally could not participate in the uprising (the provisional government ordered his arrest). But the entire prehistory of his activities, after he returned from emigration to Russia in April, was aimed at preparing an uprising. No matter who and what nasty things they say about the leader of the Bolshevik Party, but in the terrible period between the two revolutions - the February and October, it was he, and no one else, who prepared the transition of the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the proletarian one.
Yes, Trotsky was able, six months earlier, to catch the smell of victory in the upcoming revolutionary events and appreciate the role of the Bolsheviks, defecting from the camp of the Mensheviks to the Bolsheviks. The well-groomed esthete, who appeared before television viewers in a tuxedo, with a bow tie and a proud posture, not subject to anyone (the role of Trotsky was played superbly by Khabensky), who overthrew (?) Sigmund Freud himself, looks so convincing and bright that you begin to believe him - Lev Davidovich, and not some leader of the Bolshevik Party, who actually prepared and carried out the revolution in Russia. In fact, this is far from true, or rather not at all true. The scriptwriters did everything to make the modest boy, a small-town Jew, the standard of the Russian Revolution. Trotsky himself meant nothing before the October Revolution. But, in the absence of V.I. Lenin, he quickly won the trust of soldiers and revolutionary sailors with his mesmerizing rhetoric about world revolution. Lev Davidovich found himself in the right place and at the right time, when the question of the day of the revolutionary uprising in Petrograd was being debated among the leadership of the Bolshevik Central Committee. It was Lenin who owned the catchphrase that defines the entire genius of this man: “Today is early, tomorrow is late, we perform at night!” Zinoviev and Kamenev, who did not agree with Lenin’s opinion, immediately published their thoughts in the Bolshevik newspaper, which, naturally, was read by the secret police of the provisional government. Lenin had no choice but to hide in safe houses, knowing that an order had been given for his arrest and destruction. In this situation, Lev Davidovich made a completely logical decision - to lead the uprising. Since the revolution is inevitable, Lenin is underground, Zinoviev and Kamenev are not fighters, and Comrade Koba-Stalin is not so popular among the soldiers who did not support him, tired of the war. The sailors and soldiers did not want to go to the front again; they were captivated by Trotsky’s bewitching speeches and the idea of ​​taking power into their own hands throughout the world.
The curly-haired revolutionary, wearing glasses and a leather cap, and the same leather pants and jacket, with a hot look and absolutely sweet speeches about the end of the war, about the land for the peasants, about the power of the soldiers' and workers' councils, was clearly to the liking of the soldier masses.
Everything else became a matter of technology and revolutionary impulse. The Aurora shot, the seizure of banks, the post office, the telegraph and the Winter Palace, almost without blood or resistance. But in fact, the development of the uprising and all subsequent revolutionary events were carefully calculated by the Bolsheviks, led by V.I. Lenin. By the way, unloved by the scriptwriters, Comrade Koba, in work overalls, with a mustache and a grin on his face, this is how the authors of the series showed him, was one of the developers of the accomplished revolution. But his role in the revolution, like Lenin’s, is almost not shown at all! So, a successful participant in the revolutionary movement in Russia, who accidentally appeared on the historical stage of those fateful events, nothing more. The historical truth is completely different: Comrade Koba-Stalin is a professional revolutionary, with extensive experience working with the proletarian masses. The persecution of the tsarist regime, arrests, prisons and exiles could not break him; he turned from a militant revolutionary into a consistent Bolshevik revolutionary. Stalin had authority among the Bolshevik elite and among workers in factories. He was much closer to the simple worker than Trotsky, and had a very direct connection to the revolution in Petrograd. The detachments of workers' squads, which were subordinate to Comrade Stalin, were, of course, controlled by the Bolsheviks. Therefore, it was not in vain that workers’ detachments operated in all important places during the uprising, establishing revolutionary order.
Although, it was Leon Trotsky who gave the soldiers and sailors permission to plunder. This is his: “Rob - loot!” became the favorite slogan of drunken sailors and opened Pandora's box in the very first days of the revolution in Petrograd. However, the detachments of workers led by Koba, as the most united and responsible participants in the revolution, prevented mass robberies and looting.
The role of Stalin, and even more so V.I. Lenin, in the October Revolution of 1917, in this series is hushed up or presented as not significant, but the figure of Trotsky is elevated - this means moving away from the historical truth, It is V.I. Lenin developed and theoretically substantiated the possibility of carrying out a revolution in one country, if there were appropriate prerequisites for this.
But Trotsky, obsessed with the thirst to win always and everywhere, especially after the October Revolution in Petrograd, he, like a card player, continued to gamble, putting the “world revolution” at stake. All or nothing! This is the essence of Trotsky! While the card was going into suit, he got a taste and became furious at the spilled blood of his opponents. “Don’t spare any of the enemies of the revolution!” – Trotsky’s main slogan during the years of the revolution and the Civil War in Russia.
Yes, of course, Trotsky created, or rather, was one of the creators of the Red Army, but the Red Terror, with the execution of soldiers who escaped from the battlefield, or for the sake of mischief, is somehow mentioned in passing in the film. But regarding the sending of the intelligentsia, the elite of Russia, abroad, by the way, the role of Lev Davidovich in this matter has not been proven, but it has been well shown. He would have gladly shot them with the help of Dzerzhinsky in the basements of the Lubyanka, but Trotsky was haunted by the idea of ​​world revolution and the Russian intelligentsia abroad could be useful to him as a catalyst. By the way, it came in handy. Many Russian emigrants and philosophers supported Trotsky when he found himself abroad and became an ardent fighter against the Soviet vassal. In particular, the famous philosopher Ivan Ilyin wrote letters to Adolf Hitler, urging him to put an end to the commissars in Russia
I already wrote above that in the film the role of V.I. Lenin is shown in fits and starts and not convincingly. Like the one where Trotsky, after a successful military coup in Petrograd, imagined himself superior to Lenin and the party. Indicative is the scene, which did not happen in real life, about when, allegedly, V.I. Lenin says to Trotsky: “You will never become the ruler of Russia, you are a Jew, and in Russia a Russian peasant will not obey a Jew!” Strictly speaking, the authors of the film were lying: V.I. Lenin had the Jewish blood of his mother, and even after the Bolsheviks came to power, Soviet Russia was ruled for almost thirty years by a Georgian, that same comrade Koba - Joseph Dzhugashvili.
And the last years of Trotsky’s life abroad, in Mexico, are shown somehow not convincingly: forgotten and abandoned by everyone, he writes incriminating evidence against Stalin and awaits his death every day, every hour. He is afraid of everything, his loved ones and even his mistress Frida. And he died, not as a hero of the revolution, but killed by a communist artist with a mountaineering ice ax, as a traitor. In his dying memories, Trotsky saw himself as a murderer of hundreds of thousands of innocent people in the name of the world revolution and rejoiced at it.
Unfortunately, a viewer who does not know history will completely misunderstand the role and significance of Trotsky in the Russian revolution. This is actually what I wanted to say!

In July 1917, Trotsky was arrested by order of the Provisional Government as a German agent. He was placed in Kresty prison. In August, during the rebellion of General Kornilov, he was released, and he immediately went to the newly created committee for the defense of the revolution. From September 25 (October 8). Trotsky Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet.

Colonel Nikitin, the head of counterintelligence, personally came to arrest Lenin. But I found only Krupskaya in his apartment. Vladimir Ilyich managed to escape. Nikitin later arrested Trotsky, who soon had to be released.

All preparations for the armed uprising of the Bolsheviks took place practically without Lenin. Vladimir Ilyich and Zinoviev were hiding in a hut on the shore of Lake Razliv at that time. This is what the head of counterintelligence, Colonel Nikitin, wrote: “After Lenin’s flight in July, his personal influence falls. The mob is rising. The revolution gives it its leader. - Trotsky. Trotsky is a fathom higher than his entourage. The mob listens to Trotsky, goes wild, burns. Trotsky swears, the mob swears . In a revolution, the crowd demands a pose, an immediate effect. Trotsky was born for the revolution, he did not run away. Trotsky's October is approaching, systematically prepared and technically developed by him. Trotsky is the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet..., draws up a plan, leads the uprising and carries out the Bolshevik revolution.

Trotsky gradually, one by one, transfers the regiments to his side, and successively, day after day, captures arsenals, administrative institutions, warehouses, train stations, telephone exchanges..."

In Lenin's absence, Lev Davidovich found himself in the leading roles. He methodically attracted the entire garrison of the capital to his side. Already on October 21, the garrison recognized the power of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. From this day on, the capital no longer belongs to the Provisional Government, not to Kerensky, but to Trotsky. (See L. Mlechin. “Why did Stalin kill Trotsky.” M., from Tsentrpoligraf, 2010). Only the Peter and Paul Fortress remained on the side of the Provisional Government. Trotsky went there. He spoke at a meeting of the garrison, and the soldiers decided to support the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

The Provisional Government and its head Kerensky saw that the Bolsheviks were preparing to seize power. However, the forces they had were extremely limited.

On October 25, the Red Guards captured the telegraph, central and city telephone exchanges. The telephones of the Winter Palace, where the Provisional Government was located, were switched off.

However, Kerensky nevertheless gathered some forces to protect the Winter Palace. Two schools of warrant officers, cadets of the Konstantinovsky Artillery School, a detachment of Cossacks, a women's battalion. But complete chaos reigned in the Winter Palace. As a result, the cadets simply fled. The Cossacks also left. Only the women's battalion remained loyal to the Provisional Government and was ready to defend it. In fact, the Bolsheviks captured the Winter Palace without a fight. A commission of the Petrograd City Duma later established that the victims were three female soldiers who were raped. Kerensky fled, and the ministers who were part of the Provisional Government were arrested.

Trotsky spent the decisive night of the October uprising in Smolny, he led the actions of the military units that took the Winter Palace and other important strategic objects.

While the Winter Palace was being taken, the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets opened at the Smolny Institute. Trotsky appeared on the podium. He announced the arrest of the Provisional Government and the transfer of all power to the Soviets. At this time Lenin appeared in the hall. And Trotsky told the delegates: “In our midst is Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, who, due to a number of conditions, could not appear among us. Long live Comrade Lenin, who has returned to us!”

Lev Davidovich served four years in tsarist prisons and was in exile for another two years. Fled from Siberia twice. This also contributed to his authority.

Trotsky was a man of the same level as Lenin in terms of importance in the revolutionary movement. Many historians in the West, and now some in Russia, believe that if neither Lenin nor Trotsky had existed then, the October Revolution would not have taken place. The history of Russia would have taken a different path.

Well, where was the great leader of the revolution, Comrade Stalin, during these decisive days? And he just got lost. Then they will find him, or rather he will find a place of honor for himself - everywhere next to Lenin. But this will happen later, many years later, when the dictatorship of the Secretary General is finally strengthened and he will be able to do whatever he wants with history. It is true that he will preserve Lenin in this Stalinist falsified history from beginning to end, and even give him a leading place. He will emphasize in every possible way that he is a student of Lenin.

Where was Comrade Stalin at the decisive moment of the October 24 uprising? Well-known Western historians make various guesses. For example, A. Ulam, a well-known Sovietologist, believes that Stalin’s absence on October 24 is due to the fact that he was supposedly part of the reserve of the party center, which could take over leadership if the uprising misfired. According to Ulam, Stalin acted as a reserve player. Isaac Deutscher writes: “Stalin’s absence and inactivity at headquarters during the uprising cannot be explained. This remains a strange and indisputable fact.” American historian, professor at the University of Michigan Robert Slusser in his book “Stalin in 1917” (M., from Progress, 1989) notes that Stalin cannot be blamed for lack of intelligence, but sometimes he had difficulty accepting a new situation for himself . Slusser emphasizes: “What could be more shameful for a person who aspired to a place in the leadership of the party than to miss the great and unique moment of triumph, the moment of taking power? It will take ... many kilometers of printed text, rivers of ink and blood - until Stalin finally , will not rest assured that his absence from those who led the revolution of 1917 will be forever erased from the memory of people."... Among the motives that prompted Stalin to unleash the "great purge", of which many old Bolsheviks were victims, the desire to destroy and silence inconvenient witnesses and participants in the events of October 1917. They were well aware of his true role in these events.

Many contemporaries noted Trotsky's abilities. He was an excellent speaker and publicist. And besides, he had the gift of an organizer.

In 1919, in an essay about the chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council, Anatoly Lunacharsky wrote: “I consider Trotsky the greatest speaker of our time. I saw Trotsky speaking for two and a half to three hours in front of a completely silent audience, standing on their feet, who listened enchanted.” . As for his talent as an organizer, it clearly manifested itself during the October Revolution and during the Civil War, when he led the Red Army.

At a meeting of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party, the first Soviet government was formed. Lenin makes a proposal to appoint Trotsky chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. He categorically refused.

But why? - Lenin insists. - You headed the Petrograd Soviet, which took power. As they say, the cards are in your hands.

No! - Trotsky says decisively. “There is no need to put weapons such as my Jewish origin into the hands of the enemy.”

Lenin was not an anti-Semite and therefore was indignant.

We have a great revolution and what significance can such trifles have?

The revolution is great, but there are still a lot of fools left. For the same reason, Trotsky refused the post of People's Commissar of Internal Affairs. Then Sverdlov suggested that Lev Davidovich should be opposed to Europe. Let him take over foreign affairs. So Trotsky became the first Soviet People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs. Lev Davidovich was the head of the diplomatic department for only four months. The outbreak of the Civil War set the leadership of the Bolshevik Party the priority task of creating a strong army. Who should be put in charge of it? True, the army still had to be created. What was needed was a person with an iron will and organizational skills. On Lenin's initiative, Trotsky was appointed People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs. He also headed the Revolutionary Military Council of the republic. Trotsky actually created the Red Army. But these are other pages of the eventful biography of Leon Trotsky.

The years of the second Russian revolution and the Civil War became the most significant time for Trotsky the politician, statesman, and leader. At the end of March, Trotsky and his family sailed to Europe on the Norwegian steamer Christianiafjord, but a few days later in the Canadian port of Halifax, along with several emigrants, he was arrested and imprisoned in a camp for German sailors. Trotsky himself wrote about this incident: “In Halifax (Canada), where the ship was subject to inspection by the British naval authorities, the police officers ... subjected us Russians to direct interrogation: what are our beliefs, political plans, etc.? I refused to enter into an agreement with them. conversations on this subject. The detective officers insisted that I was a terrible socialist. The whole search was of such an obscene nature and put the Russian revolutionaries in such an exceptional position compared to other passengers who did not have the misfortune of belonging to a nation allied with England, that some of those interrogated immediately sent a vigorous protest to the British authorities against the conduct of the police agents... On April 3, British officers, accompanied by sailors, came on board the Christianiafiord and, on behalf of the local admiral, demanded that I, my family and five other passengers leave the ship... we were promised to "clarify" the whole incident in Halifax We declared the demand illegal and refused to comply with it. Armed sailors pounced on us and, with shouts of “sham” (shame) from a significant part of the passengers, carried us in their arms onto a military boat, which, under the escort of a cruiser, took us to Halifax" Quoted from Trotsky L. My life. Experience of autobiography. With 320. Under pressure from the Petrograd Soviet, the Provisional Government was forced to intervene, and a month later Trotsky and his comrades were released. Through Sweden and Finland, he arrived in Petrograd on May 5, 1917 (as we can see, Trotsky missed the April crisis, as a result of which the first coalition Provisional Government was formed). A solemn meeting awaited him here. For his services in 1905, he was included in the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet with the right of an advisory vote. “It was decided to include me with an advisory vote. I received my membership card and my glass of tea with black bread." Quoted from L. Trotsky. My life. The experience of an autobiography. P. 340. .

Upon his return, Trotsky was faced with the question of choosing political guidelines. Lev Davidovich considered the best option to join the interdistrict members - the St. Petersburg Interdistrict Committee. Basically, Mezhrayontsy supported the slogans of the Bolsheviks, with the exception of turning the imperialist war into a civil war. Trotsky, although he did not take an official position, became the de facto leader of the organization G.I. Chernyavsky. Decree. op. P. 178. .

On May 10, Lenin, Kamenev and Zinoviev attended a conference of inter-district members and proposed a plan according to which all left-wing groups would merge into a single party. Trotsky spoke restrainedly and positively on this matter, but was in no hurry to accept Lenin’s proposal. Let us note that this was the first step towards Trotsky’s joining Bolshevism. Ibid. pp. 179-180. .

A month after Trotsky’s arrival in Petrograd, he was already one of the most prominent figures in the colorful political background of the revolution. Having looked around and taken his bearings, the revolutionary recklessly and irrevocably plunged into the seething stream of human passions, disputes, debates, and political claims. In the summer and autumn of 1917, Trotsky was in great demand: he was invited by Baltic sailors, workers of the Putilov plant and tram depot, students, invited to meetings of the Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks, to meetings of soldiers' committees of military units. The singer of the revolution almost never refused. Sometimes he went to rallies with Lunacharsky, also a brilliant speaker. This tandem, or rather, the duo of revolutionary agitators, was very popular in Petrograd in those distant days of D.A. Volkogonov. Trotsky: Political Portrait. - M., 1992.T. 1. P. 50. .

At the beginning of the July events in Petrograd, Trotsky had not yet formally joined the Bolshevik Party, although in fact he already stood on their platform. With the outbreak of events, Trotsky played a significant role in protecting the Minister of Agriculture of the Provisional Government, the leader of the Socialist Revolutionary Party V.M. Chernov, from the revolutionary crowd. The crowd tried to arrest Chernov instead of Justice Minister Pereverzev; the Kronstadt sailors had already dragged Chernov into the car, tearing his jacket, but then Trotsky spoke to the crowd of Kronstadt sailors with a fiery speech and the crowd parted.

After the events of July 3-4, arrests were made among the Bolshevik leaders. Lenin and Zinoviev went underground. It was during these days that Trotsky decided to take a defiant and spectacular step: he demanded his own arrest in the press. In an open letter to the Provisional Government, he noted: “Citizens ministers! I know that you have decided to arrest comrades Lenin, Zinoviev and Kamenev. But an arrest warrant has not been issued for me. Therefore, I consider it necessary to draw your attention to the following facts. In principle, I agree the position of Lenin, Zinoviev and Kamenev and defended it in all my public speeches" Trotsky L.D. Letter to the Provisional Government [Electronic resource] // URL: http: //www.magister. msk.ru/library/trotsky/trotl266. htm (date of access: 04/19/2015). . The authorities did not tolerate such insolence and soon arrested the author of the letter. Trotsky stayed in “Kresty” for more than 40 days. During this time, his popularity grew at the same speed as his articles and notes appeared in the Bolshevik "Worker and Soldier", the magazine "Forward" and other printed publications. In prison, he wrote two works: “What’s next? (results and prospects)” and “When will the damned massacre end?” Both brochures were published by the Bolshevik publishing house Priboi and immediately attracted attention.

A few days after Trotsky’s arrest, the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) opened at the end of July, which worked under semi-legal conditions. At the beginning, meetings of the congress were held on the Vyborg side, and then behind the Narvskaya outpost. Many party leaders, who were forced to go underground or were imprisoned by the Provisional Government, were not at the congress. In essence, at the congress, Lenin’s main characteristic of the moment was voiced: since the counter-revolution temporarily gains the upper hand, the possibility of seizing power by peaceful means disappears. The issue of armed uprising was put on the agenda. From this moment on, the radical line of the Bolsheviks emerged even more clearly.

For Trotsky's revolutionary fate, the congress was of great importance. He was even elected an honorary member of the presidium. After negotiations and approvals, a large group of “Mezhrayontsev” was accepted into the party. Thus, while Trotsky was in prison, the question of his party membership was resolved in a new way. Together with Trotsky, M.M. also became Bolsheviks. Volodarsky, A.A. Ioffe, A.V. Lunacharsky, D.Z. Manuilsky, M.S. Uritsky and many of their comrades. Trotsky's authority was already so high that when elected at the congress of the Central Committee, he was immediately elected to it.

At the request of the Petrograd Soviet, on September 2, 1917, Lev Davidovich was released on bail of three thousand rubles. But in reality, Kerensky, who only with the help of the Bolsheviks was able to repel Kornilov’s threat, felt that the tightening of the regime only weakened his position. There is reason to believe that it was Kornilov’s August adventure that strengthened the position of the Bolsheviks and made the October events possible. Trotsky, together with Lunacharsky, Kamenev, Kollontai, and other revolutionaries, leaves prison as a hero and plunges headlong into party affairs D.A. Volkogonov. Decree. op. pp. 53--56. .

During the Bolshevization of the Soviets in September 1917, the Bolsheviks managed to gain a majority of seats in the Petrograd Soviet. On September 25, re-elections of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet were held, the Bolsheviks proposed L.D. for the post of chairman. Trotsky. After the election, the new chairman gave a speech to the approving cheers of the audience, in which he expressed confidence that he would try to “mark his second election to the Council (after 1905) with a more successful outcome.” D.A. Volkogonov. Decree. op. P. 56. On October 12, Trotsky, as chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, formed the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee - the main body for leading the Bolshevik uprising.

With the formation of the Pre-Parliament, Trotsky was also elected to this body and headed the Bolshevik faction in it. From the very beginning, Trotsky demanded a boycott of the work of the Pre-Parliament, as too “bourgeois” in composition. After receiving the approval of Lenin, who was then hiding in Finland, Trotsky on October 7 (20), on behalf of the Bolsheviks, officially announced a boycott of the Pre-Parliament.

In general, by the autumn of 1917, the old differences between Lenin and Trotsky were becoming a thing of the past. At the same time, disagreements arose between Lenin and Trotsky regarding the preparation of an armed uprising. While Kamenev and Zinoviev at that time, fearing a repetition of the July defeat, demanded not to raise any uprising, Lenin insisted on an immediate uprising. Trotsky differed with him regarding the form of the coup. If Lenin demanded that the Bolsheviks take power on their own behalf, then Trotsky proposed raising the question of transferring power to the Soviets at the Second Congress of Soviets. In two or three weeks, Trotsky made a meteoric rise in Bolshevik circles, becoming the second person in them after Lenin. In the absence of the latter, G.I. Chernyavsky became the main spokesman for his positions and ideas. Decree. op. P. 193. .

We will not dwell in detail on the events of the October Revolution, we will only say that, ultimately, the uprising began on October 23-24, when by government order Rabochaya Pravda and Izvestia of the Petrograd Soviet were banned. Trotsky reacted immediately and gave the order to send detachments of the Sixth Engineer Battalion and the Lithuanian Regiment to the printing house. Trotsky did not leave the phone then, receiving more and more confirmation about the successful course of events. On the evening of October 24, Lenin appeared in Smolny, immediately learning about the coup G.I. Chernyavsky. Decree. op. pp. 196-197. . The decisive events unfolded on October 25, the opening day of the Congress of Soviets. At a meeting of the Central Committee on the night of the 25th, when discussing the new government, Trotsky’s proposal was adopted to be called not ministers, but people’s commissars. On October 26, Trotsky made a report on the composition of the government at the congress meeting. It was at this congress that Trotsky uttered his famous words regarding the Mensheviks: “You are pitiful units, you are bankrupt, your role has been played, go to where you should be from now on: into the trash can of history.” Quote. By. Trotsky L. My life. Autobiographical experience. P. 380. . Trotsky made his choice: he is a Bolshevik, and he is in power. He himself became People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs.

Trotsky in 1935 assessed his role in the October events as follows: “If it were not for me in St. Petersburg in 1917, the October Revolution would have occurred - provided that Lenin was present and led. If there had been neither Lenin nor me in St. Petersburg, there would have been no October Revolution: the leadership of the Bolshevik party would have prevented it from happening... If Lenin had not been in St. Petersburg, I would hardly have managed it... the outcome of the revolution would have been under a question mark. But, I repeat, if Lenin had been present, the October Revolution would still have led to victory" Trotsky L.D. Diaries and letters / Under the general. ed. SOUTH. Felshtinsky. - M., 1994. P. 119. . There is eloquent testimony from Lenin about Trotsky's leading role in the October armed uprising. “After the St. Petersburg Soviet passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks,” says the XXIV volume of the first Collected Works of V.I. Lenin, “(Trotsky) was elected its chairman, in whose capacity he organized and led the uprising of October 25.” Lenin.V. Collection Op. - M., 1923. T. 24. P. 482. .

However, after Lenin's death, Stalin gave Trotsky a completely different assessment of the revolution. “But I must say that Trotsky did not and could not play any special role in the October Uprising, that, as Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, he carried out only the will of the relevant party authorities that guided Trotsky’s every step” Stalin I.V. Essays. - M.; Tver, 1946-2006. T. 6. pp. 328-329. . So what role did Lev Davidovich play in the October coup? Based on numerous documents, eyewitness accounts, and analysis of Lenin’s works of that period, we can conclude that Trotsky in October proved himself to be one of the main leaders of the revolution, as a man who found himself in his native element.

Trotsky proved himself a reliable ally of Lenin during the internal crisis of the Central Committee and the Council of People's Commissars, which occurred in the very first days of the existence of the new government. On October 29, the Bolshevik Central Committee began negotiations on the creation of a homogeneous socialist government. The “right” Bolsheviks (Kamenev, Zinoviev, Nogin, Rykov, etc.) insisted on an agreement. Lenin, with the active support of Trotsky, managed to break the hesitations of the members of the Central Committee and insist on putting forward conditions that were unacceptable to the right Socialist Revolutionaries and the majority of the Mensheviks. And although fifteen members of the Central Committee, people's commissars and their deputies resigned on November 4, Lenin and Trotsky won. During these same days, Trotsky was actively involved in organizing resistance to the troops of Kerensky and Krasnov and the defeat of the cadet rebellion in Petrograd. With Lenin he goes to the Putilov plant, to the headquarters of the Petrograd Military District.

Regarding his direct responsibilities - People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs - Trotsky later admitted that “the matter still turned out to be somewhat more complicated than I expected” Quote. By. Trotsky L. My life. Autobiographical experience. P. 400. . Trotsky's first major action in his new post was the publication of secret treaties concluded by Russia with the Entente countries. Trotsky’s assistant, sailor Nikolai Markin, was directly involved in organizing the deciphering and publication of these documents. Within a few weeks, seven yellow collections were published, causing a stir in the multilingual press. The newspapers published their contents in advance. By this the Bolsheviks proved their promise to end secret diplomacy. But Trotsky himself had been in Brest-Litovsk since the end of December, leading the Russian delegation in negotiations with Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria. There he gave fiery speeches that were aimed not so much at his negotiating partners as at the broad masses. German newspapers also published Trotsky’s speeches, and the Soviet press published complete transcripts of the meetings. From the very beginning, Trotsky played the role of “delaying” the negotiations: “It was necessary to give the European workers time to properly perceive the very fact of the Soviet revolution, and in particular its peace policy.” Quote. By. Trotsky L. My life. Autobiographical experience. P. 440. . The negotiations were extremely difficult: the Soviet side offered a democratic peace without annexations and indemnities on the basis of self-determination of peoples, and the German side, with its outward “friendly” attitude, set obviously unacceptable conditions. At the same time, peace had to be concluded: “The impossibility of continuing the war was obvious: the trenches were almost empty. No one dared to talk even conditionally about continuing the war. Peace, peace at all costs!.” Ibid. P. 440. . But how to achieve it? This is where disagreements arose. "Three points of view emerged. Lenin was in favor of trying to drag out the negotiations further, but, in the event of an ultimatum, to immediately capitulate. I considered it necessary to bring the negotiations to a break, even with the danger of a new German offensive, so that capitulation would have to be - if at all - already before the obvious use of force. Bukharin demanded war to expand the arena of the revolution" Ibid. P. 443. . Since the latter position “drowned” in the sea of ​​criticism of Lenin and Trotsky, the main contradiction lay in the timing of the signing of the ultimatum peace: after words about the possible continuation of the war or after the actual offensive. Trotsky managed to prove to other Bolsheviks that it was the latter that was required, since in this case the entire proletarian world would be able to see that revolutionary Russia was physically forced to sign peace with bourgeois Germany. In addition, Trotsky and his supporters hoped that Germany, devastated by years of war, would not be able to carry out an actual offensive. But everything happened just according to the worst scenario: the Germans attacked and, without receiving any resistance, quickly advanced deep into Russia. The Soviet government urgently declares a truce and on March 3, 1918 signs the harsh Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Russia was losing vast territories and was obliged to pay a huge indemnity to G.I. Chernyavsky. Decree. op. pp. 221-223. . In return, according to Trotsky, she retained “the sympathies of the world proletariat or a significant part of it. Over time, everyone will be convinced that we have no other choice.” Quote. By. Trotsky L. My life. Autobiographical experience. P. 452. .

On March 14, Trotsky was appointed People's Commissar for Military Affairs, and a little later, People's Commissar for Naval Affairs.

In these positions, Trotsky proved himself to be a decisive, purposeful leader, capable of rallying people to accomplish the most difficult tasks. For example, he took an active part in eliminating the revolt of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries on July 6, 1918.

The role that Trotsky played in the formation of units of the regular Red Army is well known. From the very first days, the People's Commissar began the difficult task of forming it. On March 19, at a meeting of the Moscow Council, Lev Davidovich spoke in favor of recruiting old officers into the army. The People's Commissar of Military Affairs inherited an unenviable inheritance: he had at his disposal a 150,000-strong volunteer Red Army, with which it was no longer possible to solve the strategic tasks of the country's defense. It was necessary to reorganize the army, improve it, and strengthen its combat power. And in April - May 1918, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars adopted a series of decrees that radically reorganized the Red Army. They were based on documents prepared by Trotsky’s department. The main one was the decree on compulsory training in military art, approved on April 22 by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, according to which workers from 18 to 40 years old were subject to training, without interruption from work for 8 weeks, without remuneration for the time of training. Those liable for military service who completed the training course could be drafted into the army at any time. Trotsky made a significant contribution to the matter of attracting former tsarist officers and military specialists to the Red Army. The final stage in the construction of the new armed forces was the reorganization of the military command and control system on the principles of centralization and discipline. On August 19, after discussing the project proposed by Trotsky, the Council of People's Commissars adopted the Decree "On the unification of all the Armed Forces of the Republic under the jurisdiction of the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs" Decree of the Council of People's Commissars. On the unification of all armed forces of the Republic under the jurisdiction of the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs [Electronic resource] // URL: http: //istmat. info/node/30980 (date of access: 04/23/2015). . In September, the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic (RMRC) was created. Along with Trotsky (chairman), it included prominent party workers with military experience.

Trotsky was forced to enter hostilities already in August 1918. Arriving in Sviyazhsk, Trotsky sensed a defeatist mood in the army there: “Each detachment lived its own life. What they all had in common was only a tendency to retreat. The very soil was infected with panic.” Quote. By. Trotsky L. My life. Autobiographical experience. P. 440. . Trotsky manages to organize from this “crowd” a combat-ready army, which within a few days begins to win its first victories. Trotsky, a civilian, understood little in matters of military tactics, so in this matter he relied on military professionals, including former tsarist officers. But Trotsky brilliantly understood the issue of organizing the army, its propaganda, and support. In many ways, he was helped by the repressive measures that he did not skimp on carrying out. “You cannot build an army without repression. You cannot lead masses of people to death without the death penalty in the command’s arsenal. As long as the evil tailless monkeys, proud of their technology, called people, build armies and fight, the command will put soldiers between possible death ahead and inevitable death behind" Quote. By. Trotsky L. My life. Autobiographical experience. P. 450. . And this was the most important guiding principle of action. In August 1918, the Red Army was shocked by the news of the execution of 20 soldiers, the commissar and commander of the Petrograd Workers' Regiment, who arrived on the Eastern Front.

In matters of providing the army with everything necessary and its moral support during the Civil War, the famous train of the People's Commissariat of Military Affairs played a huge role. This armored train was a real mobile headquarters for the front command. “On the train there were: a secretariat, a printing house, a telegraph station, a radio, a power plant, a library, a garage and a bathhouse.” Ibid. P. 459. . The train could at any moment provide military support: there were about a hundred Red Army soldiers on it, propaganda support: there were several communist agitators on it, and material support: the train always had supplies of food, clothing, shoes, and weapons. It is no coincidence that this semi-legendary train instilled fear in the enemy with its mere appearance. G.I. Chernyavsky. Decree. op. P. 232. .

During the second defense of Tsaritsyn in September - October 1918, Trotsky began a personal quarrel with the Southern Front Commissar Stalin and Army Commander Voroshilov, who demonstratively addressed directly the Presovnarkom Lenin, bypassing the Revolutionary Military Council headed by Trotsky. The main pretext for the conflict was the appointment of a “military expert”, former Tsarist Major General P. P. Sytin, as Commander of the Southern Front, personally promoted by Trotsky, while Stalin objected to such an appointment, considering Sytin unreliable. The situation was aggravated by the fact that the “military expert” personally appointed to the Southern Front by Trotsky, Colonel of the Russian Army Nosovich A.L. shortly before the events taking place, he went over to the side of the White Guards, informing General Denikin of important secret information to which he had access. For his part, Trotsky argued that Voroshilov and Stalin brought charges of treason against Nosovich, which were not confirmed, only because Trotsky sent him. As a result, Nosovich fled to Denikin, fearing for his life.

On October 2, the Central Committee of the RCP (b) adopted a resolution in which it demanded to indicate to Stalin that “subordination to the Revolutionary Military Council is absolutely necessary. In case of disagreement, Stalin can come to Moscow and appeal to the Central Committee, which can make the final decision” “Questions of the history of the CPSU.” 1989 No. 6. P. 158. . On behalf of the Central Committee, the chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Sverdlov, telegraphs Stalin, Voroshilov and S.K. Minin that “all decisions of the Revolutionary Military Council are binding on the military councils of the fronts. Without subordination there is no army” “Questions of the history of the CPSU.” 1989 No. 6. P. 160. .On October 3, Stalin, Voroshilov and Minin protested to the Presovnarkom Lenin, accusing Trotsky of the collapse of the Southern Front. On October 4, Trotsky personally went to Tsaritsyn, after which he demanded Stalin’s recall; a conversation took place between the parties, which Stalin described as “insulting.” As Trotsky himself writes in his work “My Life”: “Anxiety reigned at the headquarters. A rumor was spread that Trotsky was riding with a big broom, and with him two dozen tsarist generals to replace the partisan commanders, who, by the way, by my arrival everyone hastily renamed themselves regimental, brigade and division commanders. I asked Voroshilov a question: how does he feel about the orders of the front and the main command? He opened his soul to me: Tsaritsyn considers it necessary to carry out only those orders that he recognizes as correct. This was too much. I stated that if he does not undertake to strictly and unconditionally carry out orders and operational tasks, I will immediately send him under escort to Moscow to be brought before the tribunal... in the great struggle that we were waging, the stakes were too great for me to look around. And I often, at almost every step, had to step on the calluses of personal preferences, friendships or pride. Stalin carefully selected people with crushed calluses. He had enough time and personal interest for this." Quote. By. Trotsky L. My life. Autobiographical experience. P. 490. .

On October 6, Stalin leaves for Moscow, and on October 8 he receives a new appointment to the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic. Contrary to Trotsky's expectations, Stalin received Lenin's support. Trotsky perceived Stalin's appointment as a member of the Revolutionary Military Council as a personal insult. The result was Stalin’s acute hatred of both Trotsky and his first deputy Sklyansky G.I. Chernyavsky. Decree. op. P. 243. .

In a short time, Trotsky became one of the most famous revolutionaries not only in Russia, but throughout the world. This man, before the October Revolution, had always been far from military affairs and suddenly became one of the most important military figures in the giant country. I think that for the political portrait of L.D. Trotsky absolutely needs touches that characterize him as the creator and conductor of the military policy of the RCP (b). Perhaps, the Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic showed himself most fully in this regard at the VIII Congress of the RCP (b), although he was not present there, D.A. Volkogonov. Decree. op. P. 69. .

At the beginning of March 1919, Trotsky returned to Moscow. He had a lot of cases accumulated in the Revolutionary Military Council, which Sklyansky could not solve for him, and most importantly, a party congress was supposed to take place this month, at which it was supposed to consider, among others, the military issue. Trotsky was going to report to the Central Committee that in the spring of 1919 the high command intended to make major efforts to defeat the combined forces of the Entente and the Volunteer Army both in Ukraine and in the area from the Karelian Isthmus to Rovno. This was necessary, since in these areas the superior enemy forces were closest to the main political and economic centers of the country. On February 19, 1919, by order of the commander-in-chief, the Western Front was created, led by commander D.N. Reliable and members of the Revolutionary Military Council R.A. Rimm, E.M. Pyatnitsky, A.Ya. Semashko (from March 24 O.A. Stigga will join). The Southern and Western Fronts were preparing for the upcoming operations. At this time, there were reports from the fronts: the German troops of General von der Goltz went on the offensive in the Riga direction, and Polish troops began to advance towards Minsk. But these messages did not particularly bother Trotsky: for now the enemy had small forces there. But reports from the east, contrary to expectations, began to arrive very alarming. Kolchak, having licked his wounds from last year, again moved west. According to intelligence estimates, the admiral now had more than 150 thousand bayonets and sabers against 100 thousand troops of the Eastern Front. But in Kolchak’s rear, near and far, there were still tens of thousands of interventionist troops. Telegrams from the Eastern Front confused all of Trotsky's plans. He wanted to report to the congress that after a short respite it was possible to launch a decisive offensive in several directions. But the enemy was ahead. At the meeting of the Central Committee held on March 14, 1919, which was attended by V.I. Lenin, L.D. Trotsky, L.B. Kamenev, N.N. Krestinsky, F.E. Dzerzhinsky, I.V. Stalin, N.N. Bukharin, G.Ya. Sokolnikov, E.D. Stasova, V.V. Schmidt, M.F. Vladimirsky, M.M. Lashevich, G.V. Chicherin, M.M. Litvinov, L.M. Karakhan, the Pre-Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic made a proposal to all congress delegates - military workers, including him, to immediately go to the front D.A. Volkogonov. Decree. op. pp. 69-72. . But by coincidence, only Trotsky left for the front, or rather to Ufa. The issue of martial law was considered at the Congress on March 20 without Lev Davidovich. In the report of Sokolnikov, speaking on behalf of the absent Trotsky, the greatest attention was paid to the issue of military experts. It was emphasized that where military experts were involved and the partisan army was reorganized into a regular one, front stability and military success were observed. Sokolnikov attacked the military opposition for its opposition to the use of former officers Eighth Congress of the RCP (b): Protocols. - M., 1950. P. 143. . There was no unity in the speeches of representatives of the military opposition. Lenin spoke at a closed meeting, he spoke about the need to use the knowledge and experience of military experts, also condemned Stalin’s actions in Tsaritsyn, and expressed indignation at all those who patronized partisanism. Lenin’s collection XXXVII. - M., 1970. S. 136-139. . Stalin sensed the situation and hastily adopted Lenin's position.

On March 21, at the plenary meeting of the Central Committee, the “theses of the Central Committee” were adopted by a majority vote, that is, the theses of Trotsky G.I. Chernyavsky. Decree. op. 1879-1917. P. 252. . The congress thus approved the course of the People's Commissar of Military Affairs.

Supporting Trotsky's line at the congress did not at all mean that he was “infallible” in military affairs. Not at all, Trotsky was wrong on strategic issues. The Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council quickly grasped one operational advantage of the Red Army: its fronts were internal. If necessary, the command could transfer formations from one front to another. The White armies and interventionists were deprived of this opportunity. But sometimes Trotsky, due to military unprofessionalism, did not assess the operational situation very deeply.

When, for example, in the spring of 1919, the troops of the Eastern Front under the command of S.S. Kamenev, having performed an interesting maneuver, launched a strong counterattack on Kolchak, the white admiral’s troops retreated, and then rolled to the east. The persecution of the White Guards began. However, on June 6, Commander-in-Chief I.I. Vatsetis, based on the difficult situation on other fronts, gave, with the approval of L.D. Trotsky, an order to consolidate the front troops at the achieved lines. Trotsky intended to transfer several formations to the Southern Front. But the command and the front RVS protested. The Central Committee supported the offensive sentiment and, in fact, canceling the decision of Trotsky and Vatsetis, gave the front units the opportunity to continue the persecution of Kolchak. At one point, Trotsky, at the suggestion of Vatsetis, removed S.S. for lack of performance. Kamenev from the post of front commander. But after Lenin’s intervention, Trotsky’s order was canceled and Kamenev was restored to his previous position. This was a strong blow to the Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic.

Trotsky received a second blow in a row when the Center did not agree with his plan, according to which the main blow to Denikin was to be delivered through the Donbass. The Central Committee did not support the idea, although after some time they returned to this idea. Then Trotsky, humiliated for the second time, being very ambitious, resigned from the post of Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council and People's Commissar for Military Affairs. Perhaps that moment in Trotsky’s military career was the most difficult: the cancellation of his orders, directives, disagreement with his strategic plans. But Lenin saw in this only the complex dialectics of war, and nothing else. It was at the insistence of the leader that in July 1919 a resolution was adopted stating that Trotsky’s resignation would be the greatest harm to the Republic. Trotsky obeyed, but survived the painfully difficult days of Volkogonov D.A. Trotsky: Political Portrait. pp. 80-84. .

According to Richard Pipes, Trotsky’s undoubted personal contribution to the fighting of the Civil War was the defense of Petrograd in 1919. Pipes R. Russian Revolution: In 3 books. Book 3. Russia under the Bolsheviks. 1918-1924. - M., 2005. P. 87. . Despite the fact that the Red 7th Army had an almost fivefold advantage in manpower over Yudenich's Northwestern Army, Petrograd was gripped by panic, including in front of the White Guard tanks, and Lenin seriously considered the prospect of surrendering the city. Trotsky, with his speeches, was able to raise the fallen morale of the troops, at the same time spreading the rumor that Yudenich’s tanks were “made of painted wood,” and also organized the construction of several tanks at the Obukhov plant. After this, the Red Army soldiers were finally able to take advantage of their numerical advantage and defeat the White Guard. Trotsky vividly describes the then prevailing situation in Petrograd: “...everything was creeping...the troops were rolling back...the command staff looked at the communists, the communists at Zinoviev...Sverdlov told me: “Zinoviev is a panic.” And Sverdlov knew people...Zinoviev...lay down...on the sofa and sighed..." Quote. By. Trotsky L. My life. Autobiographical experience. P. 475. .

On October 21, the decisive battle takes place on the Pulkovo Heights; The Soviet 7th Army launches a decisive counteroffensive.

Of course, Trotsky did not directly command the units of the Red Army, but he did exercise overall leadership of defense and offensive operations, developed and made the main operational decisions, essentially replacing Zinoviev, who had fallen into a panic.

On November 20, the Presidium of the All-Russian Scientific and Cultural Center awarded Trotsky the Order of the Red Banner for his services; the same order was awarded to the train of the People's Commissar of Military and Maritime Affairs G.I. Chernyavsky. Decree. op. pp. 259-260. .

Trotsky continued to lead the campaigns of 1920 against Poland and Wrangel's troops. Let us focus on the fact that Polish troops near Warsaw in August launched a counter-offensive and pushed Tukhachevsky back 600 kilometers. Trotsky, who was at that time on the Southern Front, hastened to return to Moscow. There he spoke out in favor of an early conclusion of peace with Poland. Realizing the unreality of a new offensive, Lenin agreed with Trotsky about the need to establish peaceful relations. According to the Riga Peace Treaty of 1921, the border between Ukraine and Belarus, on the one hand, and Poland, on the other, passed east of the “Curzon Line”, thus Russia lost Western Ukraine and Western Belarus Ibid. P. 262. .

In November 1920, Wrangel's army was defeated and withdrawn from Crimea, after which it was evacuated to Turkey. In the next two years, hostilities in the Far East also ended, which meant the end of the Civil War.

Let's summarize all of the above. The true role of Trotsky in the preparation and conduct of the October Revolution is still debatable. According to Richard Pipes, Trotsky, in the absence of Lenin, who fled to Finland in July 1917, until his return, led the Bolsheviks Pipes R. Russian Revolution: In 3 books. Book 2. Bolsheviks in the struggle for power. 1917-1918. - M., 2005. P. 70. . Curzio Malaparte in his 1931 work “Technique of a Coup D’etat” calls Lenin the main strategist of the “proletarian revolution”, and Trotsky the main tactician of the October Uprising Curzio M. Technique of a Coup D’etat [Electronic resource] // URL: http: //society. polbu.ru/malaparte_revolution/ch07_all.html (date of access: April 26, 2015). . Based on the material presented in the chapter, we cannot disagree with this. Indeed, before Lenin’s arrival in Smolny, all the levers of control of the coup were in Trotsky’s hands. Based on numerous documents, eyewitness accounts, and analysis of Lenin’s works of that period, we can conclude that Trotsky in October proved himself to be one of the main leaders of the revolution, as a man who found himself in his native element. In a short time, Trotsky became one of the most famous revolutionaries not only in Russia, but throughout the world. This man, before the October Revolution, had always been far from military affairs and suddenly became one of the most important military figures in the giant country. I think that for the political portrait of L.D. Trotsky absolutely needs touches that characterize him as the creator and conductor of the military policy of the RCP (b).

As for the main aspects of his life related to the Civil War, we know that on March 14, 1918, Trotsky was appointed People's Commissar for Military Affairs, and somewhat later, People's Commissar for Naval Affairs, and in September Lev Davidovich headed the Revolutionary Military Council. In these positions, Trotsky proved himself to be a decisive, purposeful leader, capable of rallying people to accomplish the most difficult tasks. The role that Trotsky played in the formation of units of the regular Red Army is well known. Lev Davidovich laid three principles as the basis for military development. Universal military training of workers, which was supposed to ensure a constant influx of more or less trained reserves into the army. Widespread involvement of military specialists from the tsarist army, which made it possible to build truly professional armed forces. And the widespread installation in the Red Army of ideological overseers - commissars, which guaranteed the protection of the interests of the revolution and the Bolshevik Party. Thanks to Trotsky's persistence, during the Civil War, more tsarist officers fought on the side of the Reds than on the side of the Whites.

Undoubtedly, Trotsky's merit was the Defense of Petrograd, for his successes in which he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner. In 1920, the Red Army, led by Trotsky, managed to achieve a decisive turning point in the course of the Civil War.

During his activities as chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council, Trotsky also gained many enemies, in particular Stalin, from the conflict with whom further political clashes arose, which we will consider in the next chapter.

The question posed in the title is not as simple as it may seem to many of us who grew up in our information space.

I’ll say right away that the author is not a professional historian and does not possess any special and unknown documents. He only drew attention to some well-known and therefore indisputable facts, and compared them with each other.

Fact one

From about the 30s to the 50s, Lenin and Stalin, and sometimes even only Stalin, were considered the main ones in 1917. We, i.e. our and subsequent generations did not see this, but if you look at newspapers, paintings, posters of that time, you can see it in many places.

And only after Khrushchev’s famous report, the name of Stalin quickly began to be removed from everywhere, leaving only Lenin.

Here is an example from a recent post uglich_jj about "Jokes of Socialist Realism"

Vyacheslav Mariupolsky. "Counselor." 1949

It's him. "Counselor." Late 1950s

And if in those days the migrations of entire peoples were done in one day, then one can imagine how the information space could change in a few years.

The fact that Stalin was everywhere during the period mentioned above, and then he was removed everywhere, is understandable and well known. But what does Trotsky have to do with it, you ask.

And this is where the main intrigue begins. Did Lenin really direct the events of 1917?

Fact two

Let's remember what Lenin's position was called? - Secretary (!) of the Central Committee. Please note that this is not a managerial position at all. It was only later that the “general secretary” appeared, and then there was no such terrible bureaucracy. And secretary meant exactly what all secretaries do - keep minutes, draw up papers, i.e. are in charge of all clerical matters.

They may say that Lenin also had another position, namely, chairman of the government. Absolutely true, but there are certain nuances here too. Let us remember that under Brezhnev this position was held by Kosygin, but it was always perceived as lower in rank than the position of Brezhnev himself. The Secretary General ruled the country and everyone understood this perfectly well.

Fact three

Who directly led the uprising in 1917? On the one hand, it seems like Lenin, he is either in Razliv, sometimes writing articles, or hiding from the police. But in fact, and this is also an indisputable fact, the capture of Zimny ​​was led by Antonov-Ovseyenko. But his boss was precisely Trotsky.

That is, pay attention, it was Trotsky, and not Lenin, who led the armed forces of the proletariat in the fall of 1917. Even the current Wikipedia says about this, I quote - “In fact, Trotsky was one of the main leaders October revolution."

And further, the words Stalin said a year later (pay attention to this period) are simply stunning in this context. I quote from the same Wikipedia, and she, in turn, quotes Stalin’s article in Pravda dated November 6, 1918.

“All work on the practical organization of the uprising took place under the direct leadership of the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, Comrade Trotsky. It is safe to say that the party owes, first and foremost, to Comrade Comrade the quick transition of the garrison to the side of the Soviet and the skillful organization of the work of the Military Revolutionary Committee. Trotsky.Comrades Antonov[-Ovseenko] and Podvoisky were the main assistants to Comrade Trotsky"

How do you like this confession from Trotsky’s main pursuer and persecutor?! And not a word about Lenin!!! This is probably the strongest argument!

And this can only mean one thing - then Trotsky’s leading role was beyond doubt.

Fact four - Trotsky's positions

For comparison, you can also look at the name of the position, or rather Trotsky’s position. On Wikipedia we find the following - chairman Revolutionary Military Council, People's Commissar for Military Affairs. Both the first and second are very significant. I think I will not be mistaken if I say that the Revolutionary Military Council at first was the main body of power. And the People's Commissar for Military Affairs is an exemplary position. Let us remember that in troubled times, real power lies not in the hands of secretaries working with pieces of paper, but in the hands of those who command armies. And it was Trotsky who was the first commander of the Red Army.

There are also other positions and regalia of Trotsky in Wikipedia. Just out of curiosity, it's worth paying attention to them in this context. Namely -

One of the organizers of the October Revolution of 1917 and one of the creators of the Red Army. One of the founders and ideologists of the Comintern,

The often repeated formulation “one of” testifies, of course, to the natural modesty of the Wikipedia authors)) Nevertheless, even in this form it shows how great Trotsky’s role was in 1917 and the subsequent period.

It was Trotsky who organized the army and sent it to the hottest places, either against external enemies - Kolchak, Denikin, Wrangel, Entente troops, or against internal ones - his own sailors (Kronstadt), workers and peasants (Tukhachevsky in the Tambov province). And it was Trotsky who was on everyone’s lips in the early years as the legendary commander of the Red Army.

Another purely everyday example is in the series “Yesenin” with Sergei Bezrukov in the title role; the second episode tells about Yesenin’s friendship with the security officer Yakov Blumkin, played by Gosha Kutsenko. As the plot progresses, Blumkin takes a friend to the Kremlin to meet important people. And this important person is also Trotsky. And if I’m not mistaken, Lenin is not mentioned at all in this series. But the film is based on numerous materials from that time.

Episode 2 of the film “Yesenin” with Sergei Bezrukov in the title role: Yesenin meets “an important person in the Kremlin” - Trotsky.

Fact five

Trotsky was focused on the world revolution. Successes, as you know, are dizzying, and now there are calls to fan the flames of the world revolution, to bring revolution at bayonets to other countries.

For this purpose, in particular, a war is being waged with Poland with a subsequent focus on Germany. But near Warsaw in 1920, the Red Army, led by Tukhachevsky and Budyonny, got hit in the teeth and this cooled the ardor.

Below is a horror picture of a Polish propaganda poster of that time. The picture, of course, is terrible and, according to the author’s intention, symbolizes what will happen to the Poles if the Bolsheviks come. And pay attention - the main villain who will lead the Bolsheviks is not Lenin, but the same Trotsky. It shows a real vision of the situation, since it was made in Poland, i.e. without Soviet censorship, and dates back to the year 20.

In parallel with military operations, the Comintern is being organized - a communist international, whose main task is to bring the revolution to other countries. Communist parties are organized in every country and behave quite aggressively. Reading what they did, you begin to fully understand the organizers of the persecution of communists. Huge amounts of money are spent on all this and all this “help” continues right up to the time of Brezhnev. And only under Brezhnev the slogan of violent revolution in other countries was removed and replaced with the fact that revolution cannot be brought with bayonets, it must be peaceful.

And then, in the 20-30s, Trotsky acquired the title of “leader of the world revolution”, he is known all over the world, he has enormous international authority. Let’s add here his excellent oratorical abilities, thanks to which, in particular, he agitated the Petrograd garrison in 1917. During his speeches, as one of the eyewitnesses writes, whose words are quoted there on Wikipedia - " The audience was almost in ecstasy.“In passing, it can be noted that later the fact of Trotsky’s oratorical abilities is hushed up in every possible way, and Lenin is put in first place as an orator.

Fact six - Stalin's struggle against Trotskyism

It is also a well-known and indisputable fact. When the global hostilities ended, the fighting in the offices began. And here paper defeated bayonets.

In the struggle for power, Stalin began to eliminate competitors. The trials of Zinoviev and Kamenev, Bukharin and many others. But it was very difficult for him to cope with Trotsky, precisely because of the latter’s enormous popularity both in the country and abroad. A long struggle begins, heavy political and other artillery is used - speeches, meetings, articles, agitation, propaganda, tactical coalitions and much more.

And this is where the transformation of the information space begins. Of course, Trotsky’s mistakes are shown and at the same time his role in all events is blurred. They say that not only Trotsky tried there, but other comrades too. And therefore, it goes without saying that someone was needed like air to replace Trotsky in the description of the events of the 17th year. To say that Stalin did this seemed to be too much. That’s when Trotsky’s role began to diminish and Lenin’s exaltation began. Moreover, as we remember, he was the chairman of the government, and this is the second person in power in the hierarchy, i.e. The figure is suitable in all respects. Moreover, he really actively participated in everything and was also quite famous. There was only a shift in emphasis, the role of Trotsky faded into the background, and then was completely removed, and the role of Lenin was emphasized in every possible way.

The film "Chapaev" also contains an interesting episode related to the topic under discussion. There Furmanov asks Vasily Ivanovich - “Which International are you for, the second or the third?” This is precisely an echo of the struggle when even a separate International was created in order to weaken Trotsky’s influence. And since the film was created in the second half of the 30s, the struggle is already in full swing and the name of Lenin is already being promoted with might and main.

Fragment of the film "Chapaev", mentioned episode from 1.28

Why did Stalin need this? - Very simply, then he could say, look, it’s not Trotsky, but Lenin who was in charge in 1917. And I was with him, his best friend and assistant, continuing his work.

There are a great many photographs and pictures on this topic, starting with the famous photograph of Lenin and Stalin in Gorki, as well as others that are little remembered now. Some of them can be seen below

Alan Pease's book "Body Language" was published much later, but the authors of these paintings already had a keen sense of the nuances of the images. For example, in many paintings Lenin looks like he is reasoning, and Stalin looks like he is ready for action. And in the last picture from China there is a “Chinese excess” - Stalin here looks even more important than Lenin. And this detail also reflects the cultivated mood of the Stalinist period.

Subsequently, after Khrushchev’s report and the condemnation of Stalin’s personality cult, the second wave of changes in the information field began. Now Stalin’s name was removed from everywhere. And who should be left behind? - Well, not Trotsky! Moreover, a lot of things have already been written about Lenin, so it was useful. This is how it has come down to our times.

No, he prefers Dan Brown with his “Da Vinci Code” and numerous historical mysteries, and Lev Gumilyov, who showed the seething of nations and nationalities on the Eurasian continent.

And finally, a witty picture that seems to be on the topic of this post. The question is: where was Lenin?

Lev Davidovich Trotsky is a Russian revolutionary figure of the 20th century, an ideologist of Trotskyism, one of the currents of Marxism. Twice exiled under the monarchy, deprived of all civil rights in 1905. One of the organizers of the October Revolution of 1917, one of the creators of the Red Army. One of the founders and ideologists of the Comintern, a member of its Executive Committee.

Leon Trotsky (real name Leiba Bronstein) was born on November 7, 1879 into a family of wealthy landowners and tenants. In 1889, his parents sent him to study in Odessa with his cousin, the owner of a printing house and scientific publishing house, Moses Schnitzer. Trotsky was the first student at the school. He was interested in drawing and literature, wrote poetry, translated Krylov's fables from Russian into Ukrainian, and participated in the publication of a school handwritten magazine.

He began to conduct revolutionary propaganda at the age of 17, having joined a revolutionary circle in Nikolaev. On January 28, 1898, he was first arrested and spent two years in prison, it was then that he became familiar with the ideas of Marxism. During the investigation, he studied English, German, French and Italian from the Gospels, read the works of Marx, and became acquainted with the works of Lenin.

Leiba Bronstein at the age of nine, Odessa

A year before going to prison for the first time, Trotsky joined the South Russian Workers' Union. One of its leaders was Alexandra Sokolovskaya, who became Trotsky's wife in 1898. Together they went into exile in the Irkutsk province, where Trotsky contacted Iskra agents, and soon began collaborating with them, receiving the nickname “Pero” for his penchant for writing.

It was in exile that it was discovered that Trotsky suffered from epilepsy, inherited from his mother. He often lost consciousness and constantly had to be under medical supervision.

“I came to London a big provincial, in every sense. Not only abroad, but also in St. Petersburg, I had never been before. In Moscow, as in Kyiv, I lived only in a transit prison.” In 1902, Trotsky decided to escape from exile. It was then, when receiving a false passport, that he entered the name Trotsky (the name of the senior warden of the Odessa prison where the revolutionary was kept for two years).
Trotsky left for London, where Vladimir Lenin was then located. The young Marxist quickly gained fame by speaking at meetings of emigrants. He was extremely eloquent, ambitious and educated, everyone without exception considered him an amazing speaker. At the same time, for his support of Lenin, he was nicknamed “Lenin’s club,” while Trotsky himself was often critical of Lenin’s organizational plans.

In 1904, serious disagreements began between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. By that time, Trotsky had established himself as a follower of the “permanent revolution”, moved away from the Mensheviks and married Natalya Sedova for the second time (the marriage was not registered, but the couple lived together until Trotsky’s death). In 1905, they returned together illegally to Russia, where Trotsky became one of the founders of the St. Petersburg Council of Workers' Deputies. On December 3, he was arrested and, as part of a high-profile trial, was sentenced to eternal exile in Siberia with deprivation of all civil rights, but escaped on the way to Salekhard.

A split between the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks was brewing, supported by Lenin, who in 1912, at the Prague conference of the RSDLP, announced the separation of the Bolshevik faction into an independent party. Trotsky continued to advocate for the unification of the party, organizing the "August Bloc", which the Bolsheviks ignored. This cooled Trotsky’s desire for a truce; he preferred to step aside.

In 1917, after the February Revolution, Trotsky and his family tried to get to Russia, but were removed from the ship and sent to a concentration camp for internment of sailors. The reason for this was the revolutionary’s lack of documents. However, he was soon released at the written request of the Provisional Government as an honored fighter against tsarism. Trotsky criticized the Provisional Government, so he soon became the informal leader of the “Mezhrayontsy”, for which he was accused of espionage. His influence on the masses was enormous, as he played a special role in the transition of the soldiers of the rapidly decaying Petrograd garrison to the side of the Bolsheviks, which was of great importance in the revolution. In July 1917, the Mezhrayontsy united with the Bolsheviks, and Trotsky was soon released from prison, where he was accused of espionage.

While Lenin was in Finland, Trotsky effectively became the leader of the Bolsheviks. In September 1917, he headed the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, and also became a delegate to the Second Congress of Soviets and the Constituent Assembly. In October, the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC) was formed, consisting mainly of Bolsheviks. It was the committee that was engaged in armed preparations for the revolution: already on October 16, the Red Guards received five thousand rifles; Rallies were held among the undecided, at which Trotsky’s brilliant oratorical talent again showed itself. In fact, he was one of the main leaders of the October Revolution.

Leon Trotsky, Vladimir Lenin, Lev Kamenev

“The uprising of the popular masses does not need justification. What happened was a rebellion, not a conspiracy. We tempered the revolutionary energy of St. Petersburg workers and soldiers. We openly forged the will of the masses for an uprising, and not for a conspiracy.”

After the October Revolution, the Military Revolutionary Committee remained the only authority for a long time. Under him, a commission was formed to combat counter-revolution, a commission to combat drunkenness and pogroms, and food supplies were established. At the same time, Leni and Trotsky maintained a tough position towards political opponents. On December 17, 1917, in his address to the cadets, Trotsky announced the beginning of the stage of mass terror against the enemies of the revolution in a more severe form: “You should know that no later than in a month, terror will take very strong forms, following the example of the great French revolutionaries. The guillotine, and not just prison, will await our enemies.” It was then that the concept of “red terror” appeared, formulated by Trotsky.

Soon Trotsky was appointed People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs in the first composition of the Bolshevik government. On December 5, 1917, the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee was dissolved, Trotsky transferred his affairs to Zinoviev and completely immersed himself in the affairs of the Petrograd Soviet. “Counter-revolutionary sabotage” began by civil servants of the old Ministry of Foreign Affairs, suppressed thanks to the publication of secret treaties of the tsarist government. The situation in the country was also complicated by diplomatic isolation, which was not easy for Trotsky to overcome.

To improve the situation, he said that the government would take an intermediate position of “neither peace nor war: we will not sign an agreement, we will stop the war, and we will demobilize the army.” Germany refused to tolerate this position and announced an offensive. By this time the army virtually did not exist. Trotsky admitted the failure of his policies and resigned from the post of People's Commissariat.

Leon Trotsky with his wife Natalya Sedova and son Lev Sedov

On March 14, 1918, Trotsky was appointed to the post of People's Commissar for Military Affairs, on March 28 to the post of Chairman of the Supreme Military Council, in April - Military Commissioner for Naval Affairs and on September 6 - Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the RSFSR. Then the formation of a regular army begins. Trotsky became in fact its first commander-in-chief. In August 1918, Trotsky's regular trips to the front began. Several times Trotsky, risking his life, even speaks to deserters. But practice has shown that the army is not capable, Trotsky is forced to support its reorganization, gradually restoring unity of command, insignia, mobilization, a single uniform, military greetings and awards.

In 1922, Joseph Stalin, whose views did not coincide with the views of Trotsky, was elected general secretary of the Bolshevik party. Stalin was supported by Zinoviev and Kamenev, who believed that the rise of Trotsky threatened anti-Semitic attacks on the Soviet regime and condemned him for factionalism.

Lenin died in 1924. Stalin took advantage of Trotsky's absence in Moscow to put himself forward as the "heir" and strengthen his position.

In 1926, Trotsky teamed up with Zinoviev and Kamenev, whom Stalin began to oppose. However, this did not help him and was soon expelled from the party, deported to Alma-Ata, and then to Turkey.

Trotsky regarded Hitler's victory in February 1933 as the greatest defeat of the international labor movement. He concluded that the Comintern was ineffective due to Stalin's openly counter-revolutionary policies and called for the creation of the Fourth International.

In 1933, Trotsky was given secret asylum in France, which was soon discovered by the Nazis. Trotsky leaves for Norway, where he writes his most significant work, “The Betrayed Revolution.” In 1936, at a show trial in Moscow, Stalin called Trotsky an agent of Hitler. Trotsky is expelled from Norway. The only country that provided the revolutionary with refuge was Mexico: he settled in the house of the artist Diego Rivera, then in a fortified and carefully guarded villa on the outskirts of Mexico City - in the city of Coyocan.

After Stalin's speeches, the International Joint Commission to Investigate the Moscow Trials was organized in Mexico. The commission concluded that the accusations were slanderous and Trotsky was not guilty.

The Soviet intelligence services kept Trotsky under close surveillance, having agents among his associates. In 1938, under mysterious circumstances in Paris, his closest ally, his eldest son Lev Sedov, died in a hospital after surgery. His first wife and his youngest son Sergei Sedov were arrested and subsequently shot.

Leon Trotsky was killed with an ice pick in his home near Mexico City on August 24, 1940. The perpetrator was an NKVD agent, Spanish Republican Ramon Mercader (pictured), who infiltrated Trotsky's entourage under the name of Canadian journalist Frank Jackson.

Mercader received 20 years in prison for murder. After his release in 1960, he emigrated to the USSR, where he was awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. According to some estimates, the murder of Trotsky cost the NKVD approximately five million dollars.

The ice pick that killed Trotsky

From the will of Leon Trotsky: “I have no need to refute here again the stupid and vile slander of Stalin and his agents: there is not a single stain on my revolutionary honor. Neither directly nor indirectly, I have never entered into any behind-the-scenes agreements or even negotiations with the enemies of the working class. Thousands of Stalin's opponents died as victims of similar false accusations.

For forty-three years of my adult life I remained a revolutionary, forty-two of them I fought under the banner of Marxism. If I had to start over, I would, of course, try to avoid certain mistakes, but the general direction of my life would remain unchanged. I see a bright green strip of grass under the wall, a clear blue sky above the wall, and sunlight everywhere. Life is Beautiful. May future generations cleanse it of evil, oppression, violence and enjoy it fully.”