Expulsion of the Poles from the Kremlin. Battle of the Maiden Field Prerequisites for open Polish intervention

On November 4, 1612, Kitay-Gorod was liberated from the Poles, and the Polish-Lithuanian invaders, who had come to Moscow on legal grounds two years earlier, were forced to take refuge in the Kremlin, dooming themselves to hunger and defeat.

Diplomatic mistakes

One of the fundamental problems of the Poles in the history of the intervention was their absolute inability to negotiate and make coherent decisions beneficial to all parties. It all started with the fact that Hetman Zholkiewski, whose troops had been stationed near Moscow since August 1610, was against going to Moscow. He understood perfectly well that maintaining a huge mass of people could lead to a banal lack of resources, but pressure from the captains of the Zborovsky regiment, who threatened to refuse service, as well as pressure Sigismund III overcame his fears. Later, when Zholkiewski left Moscow for negotiations with Sigismund, he left a garrison in the city under the command of the Lithuanian referendar Alexander Gonsevski. This did not lead to anything good for the Poles: Zolkiewski never reached an agreement with Sigismund, and an uprising broke out in Moscow.

Treason of the Cossacks

Another fatal failure of the Poles was the betrayal of the “Tushino Cossacks”. The death of False Dmitry in December 1610 put the Cossacks, led by Ivan Zarutsky and Andrei Prosovetsky, in a difficult situation, from which they found the only true way out, namely, they joined the first people's militia. The significant forces they brought under the walls of the Kremlin seriously strengthened the militia.

Rebellion of 1611

Alexander Gonsevsky ruled in Moscow with what is called a “firm hand,” but there was obviously more firmness in his governance than wisdom. Wanting to prevent unrest that could arise due to the spread of news of the First Militia, Gonsevsky provoked clashes in Moscow, which led to fierce battles and the total pacification of the population. According to some reports, up to 7 thousand Muscovites died. Most of Moscow burned down, the White and Zemlyanoy cities burned down. Advance militia detachments led by Pozharsky, Baturlin and Koltovsky forced the Poles to retreat. Without coming up with anything more convincing, the Poles began to burn Moscow. Special detachments set fire to the city from different sides, many churches were looted and destroyed. The Poles found themselves locked in the Kremlin.

Bad logistics

Huge problems arose for the Poles due to the lack of an established supply system. IN armed forces The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth did not yet have a centralized quartermaster service. Neither at the banner level, nor even more so at the regiment level, was there a person responsible for supplying this unit with food. This not only caused trouble, but became a real tragedy for the Polish troops, especially after they found themselves in the besieged Kremlin. Ultimately, it was the problem with logistics, with the inability to deliver provisions to the Polish troops, that became the decisive factor.

Famine of 1612

The famine of 1612 became a terrible page in the history of the Polish-Lithuanian intervention. There is no point in retelling its terrible details. Suffice it to say that cannibalism flourished with might and main. There was even a kind of price list for certain body parts. In the second half of October, hunger, desertion and the breakdown of discipline reached their climax. Because of the prowling gangs of cannibals, movement through the streets of the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod after dark was extremely risky. An interesting detail characterizing the level of hunger of the besieged Poles is the version that the library of Ivan the Terrible, “Liberia,” which still cannot be found, was eaten just during the siege of the Kremlin.

They didn't recognize...

If the Poles imprisoned in the Kremlin knew that the future Russian Tsar, the first of the Romanov dynasty, was going through the siege with them... The history of Russia could have taken a completely different path if everything had turned out a little differently in those days. Wait another week, the Poles, until the convoys with provisions arrive, or suddenly, for some reason, Mikhail Fedorovich does not survive the siege...

Broken Promise

Despite the promise of pardon, most of the Polish garrison was killed by the Cossacks right during the surrender. On November 9, Pozharsky and the nobles began sending groups of prisoners to cities in the provinces. There, however, was waiting for them tragic fate. The Poles who arrived were simply exterminated. Only the most “useful” prisoners who could be useful managed to escape. Only in 1619, according to the Truce of Deulin, did an exchange of prisoners take place.

As a result of the battle, the Polish-Lithuanian troops were defeated by the Second People's Militia, which led to the subsequent final defeat of the Poles. “The Poles suffered such a significant loss that nothing could be compensated for it. The wheel of fortune turned - the hope of taking possession of the entire Moscow state was crumbling irrevocably,” wrote the 17th-century Polish historian Stanislav Koberzycki.

Within the walls of the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod there was a blocked Polish-Lithuanian garrison of about three thousand people, to whose aid the army under the leadership of Jan Karl Chodkiewicz, the Great Hetman of Lithuania, sought to come. According to the calculations of the historian G.N. Bibikov, the number of his troops reached 12 thousand people, despite the fact that there were no more than 8-10 thousand Russian soldiers in total.

The intervention army was also superior to the Russian troops in terms of the quality of weapons. “Everyone who came out was bound by fences, like the water wavering and helmets on their heads... like a beautiful luminous dawn, the brilliance of their sabers like lightning, and the spears of their taking, like a great oak forest, together... and it’s scary to look at,” - as if with a breath The author of Filaret's manuscript described the Polish army. The Cossacks, who acted on the side of the militia, were destined for a less flattering description: “wearing nothing but trousers and no trousers, they only have one arquebus and a powder flask.” With this, Pan Budilo tried to bait Dmitry Pozharsky, the chief governor of the Nizhny Novgorod militia, to whom he wrote: “You better, Pozharsky, let your people go to the plows.”

Prominent figures of the command staff were Dmitry Pozharsky, Kuzma Minin Ivan Khovansky and Dmitry Lopata-Pozharsky from the Russian side; Khodkevich himself, Alexander Zborovsky, Nikolai Strus and Joseph Budilo - from the Polish-Lithuanian. However, not all military leaders were distinguished by special talents and sufficient experience - this applies to both sides.

Source: wikipedia.org

If we talk about the strength of the fighting spirit of the soldiers, then in this matter, obviously, the advantage should have been on the side of the militia. According to the already mentioned G.N. Bibikov, they were driven by the desire to stop the attacks of the interventionists on Moscow. Numerous mercenaries who acted on the side of the opponents were driven by the desire to acquire a variety of valuables, of which, however, there could not be too many in the already plundered Moscow.

On August 21 (31), 1612, Khodkevich’s troops approached Moscow - the militia had arrived there the day before. According to the hetman's plan, it was necessary to break through the defenses in the western part of the city. After this, a convoy with the supplies their besieged comrades needed could take a short route to the Kremlin walls.

It was decided to begin the offensive the next morning. Khodkevich's troops crossed the Moscow River and took up positions at the Novodevichy Convent. Hetman's plan was good for everyone - except that Pozharsky knew about it very well. The prince chose to attack first, which somewhat disoriented the enemy. The fighting continued throughout the day, and it is interesting that Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy, who formally supported the militia, in fact remained on the sidelines. “The rich came from Yaroslavl and alone can fight off the hetman,” was the position of the prince and his troops.

It seemed that the end had come to the Russian state. There was no supreme power, no strong army, no common treasury - there was nothing! Government in its true sense no longer existed. But there were still people. This people, noble and black people, rich and poor, wise men and simpletons - everyone understood that a terrible, dashing thing was happening in Rus'; that the Orthodox faith and that shrine that was worshiped by our fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers has been humiliated and desecrated, and everything that has been created over centuries and the labor of many generations is in danger of ultimate destruction.

The people's excitement was strong... In all the most important cities, lively gatherings began to rustle, as if old gatherings had been resurrected. Both townspeople and neighboring peasants gathered for the zemstvo council, so that the whole world could think of how to help the trouble. At times, the old regional discord and hostility of the common people towards higher and rich people, towards the Moscow boyars, was also reflected; but all this was petty and insignificant compared with the enmity that everyone felt towards the hated enemy, and with the desire to free Moscow and the Russian land from the Poles and put an end to the disastrous disorder. This common feeling was supposed to ultimately prevail over all petty passions and desires and unite the Russian forces...

The cities began to send letters among themselves, encouraging each other to stand together against common enemies.

“Near Moscow,” Kazan residents wrote to Perm, “an industrialist and champion of the Christian faith, who stood for the Orthodox Christian faith, for the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary and for Moscow State against Polish and Lithuanian people and Russian thieves, the Cossacks killed Prokopiy Petrovich Lyapunov, breaking the kiss of the cross. But we all, with Nizhny Novgorod and with all the cities of the Volga region... agreed to be in council and unity, not to do anything bad to each other, to stand firmly until God gives a sovereign to the Moscow state; but we should choose a sovereign with the entire land of the Russian state; If the Cossacks begin to choose a sovereign according to their own will alone, without agreeing with the whole land, then we do not want such a sovereign.”

Similar appeals were sent by messengers to other cities. All the letters expressed a strong common desire to “cleanse the Russian land from the enemy, the desecrator of the shrine, and to choose for ourselves the whole land as our own king.”

The letters that were compiled in the Trinity Monastery by Dionysius and Abraham Palitsyn and copied in many copies by “greyhound scribes” were also spread throughout the Russian land.

The enthusiasm of the people grew. Moral and religious excitement became stronger and stronger... Rumors of miraculous visions and signs began to spread everywhere. They said that in Nizhny Novgorod, one pious man Gregory was granted a terrible vision at midnight: he saw as if the roof had been removed from his house, a great light shone upon his peace, and two men appeared with a proclamation for repentance and cleansing of the entire state... In Vladimir too They said there was a vision...

The pious people expected salvation only from God's help, and considered it necessary to have a special way to cleanse themselves of sins and appease God through repentance and fasting. All cities were sentenced to fast three days a week: on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday not to eat or drink anything, and on Thursday and Friday to eat dry... This is how the people prepared for the great task...

The mood of the people was such that they were ready to rise up to fight with all their might. All that was needed was a beginning and a real Russian leader was needed.

Minin and Pozharsky

In October 1611, a letter was received from the Trinity Monastery in Nizhny Novgorod. It was decided to read it in the cathedral. The big cathedral bell rang, and it was not a holiday day. The people realized that they were ringing loudly for a reason, and soon the church of St. Spasa was filled with people. After mass, Archpriest Savva addressed the people with a speech:

– Orthodox Christians, Lord brethren, woe to us! The days of our final destruction have come. Our Moscow state is dying; The Orthodox faith is also dying. Woe to us, great grief, cruel situation! The Lithuanian and Polish people, in their wicked council, intended to ruin the Moscow state and convert the true faith of Christ into the Latin multi-delightful heresy. Who will not cry, who will not release sources of tears?! For the sake of our sins, the Lord allowed our enemies to rise up. Woe to our wives and children! The heretics destroyed the God-protected city of Moscow to the ground and put its children to the omnivorous sword. What should we do? Should we not strengthen ourselves in unity and stand up for the pure and immaculate faith of Christ and for the Holy Spirit? the Cathedral Church of the Virgin Mary and for the multi-healing relics of Moscow miracle workers. And here is the letter from the authorities of the Life-Giving Trinity Monastery of Sergius.

A letter was read, calling on all the people to save Moscow and the Orthodox faith. The people were touched. Many were crying.

“Woe to us,” they said in the crowd, “the Moscow state is perishing!”

When people were still crowding around the church, one of the zemstvo elders, Kuzma Minin Sukhoruky, spoke to him. (He had previously said that St. Sergius appeared to him in a dream and ordered him to “awaken those who were asleep.”)

- Orthodox people! – he now spoke to the people in a loud voice. - If we want to help the Moscow state, we will not spare our property... we will sell our yards, we will pawn our wives and children and we will begin to beat our heads, to look for someone who would stand up for the true Orthodox faith and become our boss!.. We will accomplish a great deed if God will help. What praise will we receive from all the earth... I know: as soon as we rise to this task, other cities will come to us, and we will get rid of our enemies.

Minin's fiery speech pleased everyone. It reflected in her something that had been in everyone’s soul for a long time. Many had tears streaming from their eyes.

Minin's appeal in Nizhny Novgorod. Painting by K. Makovsky, 1896

Frequent gatherings began. Kuzma Minin, whom everyone in the city knew and respected, was in charge of everyone, convincing everyone that they needed to take up arms, call out to the service people, and collect a third of the money from everyone (i.e., a third of the property) into the treasury for the maintenance of the military men. The desire to serve the great cause of liberation of Moscow and the Russian land was so strong that many immediately began to donate much more. Money and precious things were carried away from all sides. One widow, the chronicle says, brought ten thousand to the collectors and said:

- After my husband, I remained childless. I had twelve thousand; I’ll give you ten and keep two for myself!

But before calling for military men, it was necessary to find a military leader. Such a “holy work” that was being started had to be given into clean hands. They began to think about which of the boyars to choose as leader. We settled on Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky. At that time he lived on his estate, in the Suzdal district, where he was recovering from wounds received during the Moscow pogrom. He was a pure man, not tainted by any bad deed: in the troubled years he did not visit thieves’ camps and Polish king I didn’t ask for favors. He knew military affairs well; he showed great courage in defending Zaraysk from an impostor and then in the Moscow massacre.

They sent Pozharsky to hit him with his forehead. He answered:

“I am glad to suffer to death for the Orthodox faith, and you choose from among the townspeople such a person who would be with me in a great matter, who would be in charge of the treasury for the salaries of the military men.”

The Nizhny Novgorod ambassadors began to think about who to choose, but Pozharsky did not let them think for long.

“You have Kuzma Minin in your city,” he said. He is an experienced man: he cares about custom!

When the envoys returned to Nizhny and spoke about Pozharsky’s desire, the Nizhny Novgorod residents began to beat Minina with their foreheads so that he would work for the common cause of liberation and would stand at the world’s treasury. Minin refused until the people of Nizhny Novgorod wrote a verdict that they would spare nothing for the great cause.

The news that the people of Nizhny Novgorod had risen quickly spread, and military forces began to gather towards them from everywhere. Pozharsky and the people of Nizhny Novgorod sent letters to the cities, which said, among other things, the following:

"Now we, Nizhny Novgorod All sorts of people, let's go to the aid of the Moscow state. Nobles came to us from many cities, and we decided to divide our estate and houses with them and give them a salary. And you should also quickly go after the Lithuanian people. Don’t be afraid of the Cossacks: if we are all assembled, then we will organize a council with the whole earth and will not allow the thieves to do anything bad... You definitely need to be with us in the same council and go against the Poles together, so that the Cossacks still do not disperse our army ".

This document was read everywhere at worldly gatherings, sentences were passed, and money was collected. City was being demolished with city. Again, as if at the call of Lyapunov, the Russian land rose; but this time the leaders handled things more carefully - they understood that not only the Poles, but also the Cossacks were enemies of Moscow; that one should not get close to “overshoots” and “rods”.

The march of the militia of Minin and Pozharsky to Moscow

The year 1612 arrived. The news of a new Russian militia with the goal of liberating Moscow alarmed not only the besieged Poles, but also the besieging Cossacks. The Poles and Russian traitors again demanded from Patriarch Hermogenes that he write an exhortation to the people of Nizhny Novgorod to remain faithful to Vladislav.

“May God’s mercy and blessings be upon them from our humility,” the elder answered with the same firmness, “and may God’s wrath be poured out on the traitors, and from our humility may they be cursed in this century and in the future!”

Soon after this, the indestructible elder and “fighter for the Orthodox faith” died (February 17); he died, they say, of starvation. He was buried in the Chudov Monastery.

Zarutsky realized that he and his willful horde were in danger from the new zemstvo military force. At this time, the Cossacks near Moscow and their boss recognized the third (Pskov) impostor. Zarutsky tried to capture Yaroslavl in order to prevent the movement of the northern militia towards Moscow, but Pozharsky warned and in early April brought his army here.

It was not easy at that time to properly equip an army. In addition to the previous weapons: spears, axes of various kinds, clubs (maces, poles), Turkish sabers and firearms - guns and cannons - came into more and more use.

At firearms the importance of defensive weapons was supposed to fall, but still all kinds of helmets and armor were still in use - especially among mounted warriors and commanders.

Even on the way from Nizhny to Yaroslavl, militias from various Volga cities joined Pozharsky’s army. Yaroslavl was the main gathering place. Here Pozharsky stopped for a long time: he apparently wanted to act prudently, to collect as much military force and treasury as possible in order to solve the matter of liberating Moscow from the Poles for sure. The task was now clear: drive out the enemies from the Russian land and choose a real Russian Tsar for yourself with the whole land. To accomplish this task, victory over the enemy was not enough; it was still necessary to suppress all unrest, crookedness and unsteadiness among the Russian people; it was necessary to establish unanimity throughout the land. For this purpose, letters were sent to different cities, the elected representatives were convened for a general council.

“You would be welcome,” these letters said, “remembering God and your Orthodox Christian faith, to consult with all people with general advice, how we might not be stateless in the present final ruin, so that we, on the advice of the whole earth, could choose together a sovereign , whom the merciful God will give so that the Moscow state would not be completely ruined. You yourself, gentlemen, know how we can stand without a sovereign against common enemies, Polish and Lithuanian and German people and Russian thieves... How can we, without a sovereign, about the great state and zemstvo to refer to affairs with neighboring states?! And according to the worldwide advice, I would like you to send two people from all ranks to us in Yaroslavl and sign up your advice with them.”

From this letter it is clear that the leaders intended not only to liberate Moscow from the Poles, but also to introduce into it supreme power and government based on the will of the entire land.

While the Russian military force was growing and growing every day in Yaroslavl and was preparing to put an end to the turmoil, the people were already waging a fierce struggle with their enemies. After the death of Lyapunov, the zemstvo warriors, dissatisfied with the Cossack administration, left Zarutsky in droves. They formed separate gangs, hid in forests and ravines, and attacked the Poles who were scouring the outskirts of the capital, looking for supplies. Such folk fighters were called in mockery - shishami; but this nickname soon even became honorable in the eyes of the people, because the shishi acted honestly, did not touch their own, did not rob, attacked only the Poles, and showed a lot of bravery and dexterity. People of all ranks joined these gangs: nobles, children of boyars, townspeople and peasants. Soon the Poles were unable to survive from the pine nuts; They especially harmed the enemy by recapturing his carts and preventing him from collecting food from the villages. “There wouldn’t be any paper,” one Pole complains in his diary, “if we started describing the disasters that we suffered then. It was impossible to light a fire, it was impossible to stop for a minute - immediately, out of nowhere, shishi. As soon as the grove , so they will shower us... The Shishi took away our supplies and quickly disappeared." And it turned out that, having looted a lot, the Poles brought very little to the capital!

Battle with the Poles of Chodkiewicz under the walls of Moscow

Pozharsky spent three and a half months in Yaroslavl. They were already hurrying him out of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, even reproaching him for his slowness; but Pozharsky waited for more troops to gather and for the feuds and disputes between the leading people about seniority to subside. To calm them down, Pozharsky even had to resort to the help of a clergyman, the former Metropolitan of Rzhev Kirill...

With heavy, of course, feelings, the Russian militia approached Moscow; here we had to meet the Cossacks who killed Lyapunov. An attempt was made on Pozharsky's life in Yaroslavl, also by a Cossack. Fortunately, the number of Cossacks near Moscow was already small: Zarutsky took part of the horde with him; he, together with Marina and her son Ivan, went to the southeast, to the steppes, thinking there to recruit new forces for himself and try to put this Ivan on the throne.

The number of Poles in the Kremlin has also decreased significantly. Many of them left without permission. Gonsevsky handed over his command to Colonel Strus and also left. At the same time that Pozharsky was approaching Moscow, the Polish hetman Khodkevich was rushing there to reinforce the besieged and deliver them supplies. Pozharsky managed to warn him and on August 18 approached Moscow. Trubetskoy and the Cossacks wanted this militia to join them, but the Russian military men, remembering the fate of Lyapunov, said:

“We must not stand together with the Cossacks!”

By the evening of August 21, Khodkiewicz’s Poles also appeared near Moscow. With them was a huge train of supplies; they intended to take them to the Kremlin. Khodkevich crossed the Moscow River and moved towards the Kremlin from the side where Pozharsky’s army stood (at the Arbat Gate), so he was the first to withstand the pressure of the enemies. Trubetskoy with his regiments stood aside; he showed the intention to attack the Poles from the side; For this purpose he even sent to ask Pozharsky for cavalry to help him; he sent him five hundred selected warriors. On August 22, the Poles attacked the Russian militia. Chodkiewicz had dashing Hungarian and Ukrainian Cossack riders. Their onslaught was difficult for the Russian militia, which had many recruits, to withstand. The battle in order not to allow reinforcements to reach the Poles in Moscow began from the first hour and raged until the eighth. “The battle was very strong,” says a contemporary, “they grabbed hands with the enemies and cut each other with swords without mercy.” Trubetskoy’s Cossacks did not move, as if they didn’t care who would win. Some of them, they say, even mocked Nizhny Novgorod residents, saying:

- The rich came from Yaroslavl and alone they can fight off the hetman!

It seemed as if Trubetskoy wanted the Poles to crush the Russian militia: he did not even let into action the hundreds of cavalry that Pozharsky sent him; but they were eager to fight: they could not bear to see how the Poles were pushing back the Russians, and without Trubetskoy’s orders they rushed at the enemies and carried away some of the Cossacks with their example. The hetman was repulsed and retreated.

A day later, on August 24, at dawn, Khodkevich again attacked the Russians, now from the side where Trubetskoy stood. The Polish leader decided to break into Moscow at any cost and bring supplies to the Kremlin. The attack was so swift that Trubetskoy’s Cossacks were overwhelmed and forced to retreat. The Poles were already standing not far from the Kremlin and occupied one fort (small fortification).

The residents of Nizhny Novgorod became despondent. It was necessary to immediately dislodge the Poles from the place they occupied: otherwise they could easily break through with the help of the besieged into the Kremlin. The governors of the zemstvo militia sent Trubetskoy to the Cossack camps to ask for help in order to attack the Poles with their joint forces; but the Cossacks did not want to help. Then Pozharsky sent Abraham Palitsyn to Trubetskoy’s camp. Abraham tried in every possible way to convince the Cossacks not to spare their lives in the name of the liberation of Moscow, begged them, even promised them to give away the entire monastery treasury if they helped Pozharsky. Finally, he managed to convince the Cossacks - they helped the Nizhny Novgorod residents; Then the Russians attacked the Poles from both sides, recaptured their forts and pushed them back. Foot soldiers settled in pits and ditches; They hid everywhere they could so as not to let carts with supplies enter the city. The battle was in full swing... Minin asked Pozharsky for several hundred warriors, crossed the river and quickly attacked the Polish detachments stationed across the river; They couldn’t stand it, they trembled and ran. The warriors who had settled in the ditches and pits, seeing that the Russians were chasing the Poles, jumped out of the ambush and rushed at the enemies. A fierce battle caught fire. Encouraged by luck, they rushed at the Poles and other Russian cavalry regiments. The Polish army was completely defeated. Khodkevich could only flee with the remnants of his regiments from Moscow. Several hundred carts with various supplies went to the winners. The Cossacks were the first to rush to the loot and plundered everything completely.

The victory over the Poles brought Pozharsky closer to Trubetskoy. Previously, they didn’t want to get together, but now they got together. Installed one general management, began to do everything together. Pozharsky had a much more compliant and flexible disposition than Lyapunov, and therefore could get along with Trubetskoy. Everyone rejoiced at the rapprochement of the leaders. It was announced everywhere that only those letters and orders have legal force that were written on behalf of both leaders. But the Cossacks still could not get along with the zemstvo people.

Liberation of Moscow from the Poles

The situation of the besieged in the Kremlin was terrible. During the battle, one detachment of three hundred people managed to break through there, but not to the joy of the besieged: new people only increased need and hunger...

Pozharsky, wanting to liberate Moscow without further losses, suggested that the Poles surrender; but they proudly refused: they still harbored the hope that the king himself would come to their rescue, or that Hetman Khodkevich, having gained new strength, would come to Moscow again and would not allow them to starve to death. From day to day the situation of the Poles became more terrible; A week later, hunger reached terrible proportions. “There is no such example in history,” says a modern diary, “it is difficult to write what was done: the besieged overate horses, dogs, cats, mice, gnawed boiled leather from shoes... Finally, this was not enough - then they ate the earth, gnawed their hands frantic, they dug corpses out of the ground... The mortality rate from such food has increased terribly.”

The Poles were soon forced out of Kitai-Gorod, but they held out in the Kremlin for another month - everyone was waiting for help to come. Finally, there was no longer any strength to hold on any longer; They first began to release the boyars and boyars from the Moscow Kremlin. The Cossacks wanted to rob them, but Pozharsky did not allow it: he treated them humanely - he settled them in safe places. The Poles soon surrendered too. During the negotiations, they only asked that they not be killed or handed over to Cossack hands... It was difficult for Pozharsky to restrain the Cossacks, who considered robbery their right. The captured Poles were sent to different cities: not a single one of them was killed or robbed.

Expulsion of the Poles from the Moscow Kremlin in 1612. Painting by E. Lissner

On October 25, all the Kremlin gates opened, and the Russians solemnly entered the Kremlin. The clergy, headed by the valiant Dionysius, walked ahead with crosses and icons in their hands. A solemn thanksgiving prayer service was served in the Assumption Cathedral.

At a time when the Kremlin prisoners, half-dead from hunger, surrendered, the Polish king Sigismund finally set out on a campaign against Moscow with Vladislav. At first, the news of this greatly alarmed the Russians, but the alarm was in vain: the Polish king could not gather a large army and moved with insignificant forces, thinking that Russian cities would be easily subjugated to him, and was mistaken in his calculations. He sent an embassy to Moscow to persuade the Moscow army to recognize Vladislav; but this embassy was not even allowed into Moscow. No one came to bow to Sigismund or Vladislav. A hike through a deserted and devastated country did not present anything attractive: shishi, hated by the Poles, wandered along all the roads, seized and killed Polish soldiers when they went in search of food. The king tried to take Volok-Lamsky, but could not... November was already ending, and the bitter cold of winter was setting in. Sigismund had to return.

Election of Mikhail Romanov to the throne

Moscow was liberated from the Poles and began to rebuild itself quite quickly. Now it was necessary to complete the second half of the task for which the Russian force had risen with Minin and Pozharsky - to choose their Russian Tsar and put an end to all the machinations of the Poles and Swedes. When Delagardie sent to say that Prince Philip was already going to Novgorod, in response to this in Moscow they told the ambassador:

“We don’t even have it in our minds to take a foreigner to the Moscow state!”

Letters were sent out so that elected people, strong and reasonable, clergy, nobles, boyar children, merchants, townspeople and district people were immediately sent to Moscow, liberated from the Poles.

When the elected representatives gathered, a three-day strict fast was appointed. Prayer services were held in churches so that God would enlighten those elected.

First of all, they decided not to choose either a foreigner or Marina’s son. When the elections began, there was a lot of turmoil and excitement. Although the name of the young Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov was most often heard, there were ambitious people among the boyars who strongly sought to receive the royal crown, sent their people to the elected officials, and tried to bribe votes. There were supporters of Prince Vasily Golitsyn, who at that time was in the hands of the Poles with Metropolitan Philaret. There were people who said that the crown should be returned to Vasily Ivanovich Shuisky. They also spoke in favor of electing the old Prince Vorotynsky to the throne. It seemed that troubles would come again in Moscow to the delight of the enemies; but, fortunately for the Russian land, there were disputes and unrest only among eminent people, boyars and dignitaries; nobles, service people, people and Cossacks stood for Mikhail Fedorovich. A crowd of nobles, boyar children and Cossack elders turned to Abraham Palitsyn, who was then living in Moscow, at the Trinity Compound, presented him with a petition with many signatures and asked him to present it to the entire cathedral, the boyars and all the zemstvo people. The petition said that everyone was asking to elect Mikhail Fedorovich. Abraham handed over this letter to the cathedral. At the same time, an ambassador arrived from Kaluga with a petition from all Kaluga residents and residents of the Severn cities - they all wanted Michael for the kingdom.

The Romanovs were especially loved by the people. Anastasia and Nikita Romanovich lived in people's memory, they even entered folk songs; Moreover, the Romanov family was not tarnished in the eyes of the people by any bad deed, it endured a lot of grief and unnecessary persecution under Boris Godunov, and the main representative of this family in Time of Troubles, at a time of general unsteadiness and cowardice, showed extraordinary fortitude and unwaveringly defended the benefits of his fatherland, like Hermogenes. It is no wonder that as soon as the conversation turned to choosing a king, most of the electors settled on the young son of Philaret. Of course, he himself would not have escaped the throne if he had not been a clergyman.

On February 21, all elected representatives were gathered in Moscow's Red Square. A solid motley crowd filled it. Famous people ascended to the Place of Execution. But they did not have a chance to speak to the people. Before they even had time to utter a question, a loud cry was heard from all the people gathered in the square:

– Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov will be the Tsar-Sovereign of the Moscow State and the entire Russian State!

Monument to Minin and Pozharsky on Red Square in Moscow. Sculptor Ivan Martos

On June 3, 1611, after a two-year siege, Smolensk fell. Most of his defenders died, and the head of the defense, boyar M.B. Shein was captured.

Having taken Smolensk, Sigismund III went to Warsaw, ordering Vasily Shuisky and other noble prisoners to be taken with him. The entire Roman Catholic world welcomed the king's success, considering his establishment on Moscow soil final.

Almost simultaneously with Smolensk, Novgorod also fell, taken by the Swedish troops of Delagardie. Here the son of the Swedish king, Carl Philip, was proclaimed sovereign, and it was assumed that sooner or later other parts of the Moscow state would elect him as king. According to the agreement concluded with the Novgorodians, Karl Philip promised not to violate the traditions of the Orthodox faith and to preserve all Novgorod customs.

At this time, Prokopiy Lyapunov appealed to all Russian cities to rise to the defense native land and move straight to Moscow, after the liberation of which the whole world will elect a new king. Lyapunov attached to his appeal a letter from the defenders of Smolensk, in which they called on all Russians to unite and defend the Orthodox faith. Militia were collected from all districts, from landowners, monasteries and church lands. At gatherings in cities and districts, people swore an oath to stand for the Orthodox faith and the Moscow state, without communicating with either the Polish king, or the Poles, or the Russian supporters of the king. During the campaign, they pledged not to offend the Russian people and to protect them in every possible way from the Poles and traitorous Moscow boyars.

Militia were drawn to Moscow from almost all Russian cities. Supporters of the murdered impostor entered into an agreement with Lyapunov, and Jan Sapieha himself promised to fight for Russian soil. By the beginning of March 1611, Lyapunov and the militia approached Moscow.

In the capital itself they were also preparing to fight the Poles. Mikhail Saltykov, together with the boyars, on the orders of Gonsevsky, came to Patriarch Hermogenes and demanded that he write to the militia so that they would not go to Moscow. But Hermogenes replied that he would do this only after the Poles and Russian traitors left Moscow. In case of their refusal, the patriarch promised, on the contrary, to write to the militia so that it would complete the holy work already begun.

Soon an uprising broke out in Moscow. At the same time, militia units began to enter the city. Realizing that it was no longer possible to hold the city with the existing forces, the Poles decided to set fire to the White City and Zamoskvorechye in different places, and to strengthen themselves in Kitay-Gorod and the Kremlin. There were also boyars, supporters of the Polish king, and most of the boyars and nobles who, involuntarily, had to be with them.

Because of the fire, the militia was unable to unite with the rebel Muscovites. One of the first to enter Moscow was a detachment under the command of Prince Dmitry Pozharsky. Having passed through the burning streets, his detachment fortified himself at Lubyanka, but was soon forced to retreat before the fire. The wounded Pozharsky said that it would be better for him to die than to see everything that was happening now in front of him. The militia managed to take Pozharsky to his estate.

In three days, all the wooden buildings of Moscow burned down, leaving only the walls and towers of the White City, several stone churches and the stoves of burnt houses. During the fire, the Poles plundered churches and houses of the White City and became very rich; According to some reports, they collected so many pearls from merchant houses that they used them as bullets. The Muscovites remaining in Kitai-Gorod were killed by the Poles.

The militia did not leave Moscow and fought with the interventionists. The boyars and Gonsevsky came to the patriarch and demanded that he write a message to the militias so that they would move away from Moscow, otherwise he would face death. But Hermogenes replied that he would not write and the traitors would not hear a single word from him again.

The militia stationed near Moscow elected Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy as the leaders of their army and the entire Russian land. Procopy of Lyapunov and Cossack chieftain Ivan Zarutsky. Despite the fact that Trubetskoy was considered the first by birth, Lyapunov was recognized by everyone as the main one. He did not take into account either origin or wealth and showed no preference to anyone. This led to sharp dissatisfaction with Lyapunov among members of the nobility who served in the militia. But the Cossacks and their leader Zarutsky, who had previously commanded the troops of the second impostor, were even more dissatisfied with Lyapunov. The leader of the militia constantly suppressed the excesses of the Cossacks, punishing them with death, and took away the estates they received from Zarutsky.

Having learned about disagreements in the militia camp, Gonsevsky sent with a captured Cossack a forged letter, allegedly written on behalf of Lyapunov, which stated that the Cossacks were the destroyers of the Moscow state and should be destroyed everywhere. July 25, 1611 Having read the letter in their circle, the Cossacks summoned Lyapunov and killed him. From that moment on, the Cossacks began to occupy a dominant position in the militia, and the rest of the militia began to leave the camp.

Marina's son was proclaimed heir to the Moscow throne. Zarutsky and Trubetskoy swore allegiance to him and fought with the Poles on his behalf. Patriarch Hermogenes, having learned about the decision of the militia to recognize Marina's son as heir, sent an appeal to Nizhny Novgorod, where he cursed him and called on all cities not to recognize him as Tsar. The Poles killed Hermogenes in prison.

At this time, it became clear that there were other contenders for the Russian throne. Another False Dmitry showed up in Astrakhan. The former Moscow deacon Sidorka appeared in Ivangorod, who also declared himself Dmitry. The people of Pskov supported him, and he “settled” in this city. Hearing about this new Dmitry, the Cossacks who were near Moscow recognized him as their king.

In the cathedral church of Nizhny Novgorod, a letter sent from the Trinity Monastery was read, it spoke of the disasters experienced by the Russian people. The people shed tears and said that there would be no deliverance for them and that there would probably be even greater death ahead. Then, at the meeting, the zemstvo elder, merchant Kuzma Ankudinovich Minin, spoke to the people, calling on people not to spare their property for the liberation of the Orthodox fatherland, not to spare the lives of their wives and children, but to raise funds for the creation of a new army.

The residents of Nizhny Novgorod did not immediately decide to respond to Minin’s call, and he had to address them with such an appeal more than once. Finally they decided to make him senior in this matter and rely on his will in everything.

On the advice of Minin, the steward, Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky, was elected as the leader of the militia. He had previously held minor positions, but was known for his courage and was never seen in relations with the impostor or the Polish king.

Pozharsky was on his estate and was being treated for wounds when elected people from Nizhny Novgorod arrived to him, offering to lead the militia. Pozharsky agreed, but said that it was necessary to elect a person who would be in charge of the expenditure of the treasury on the salaries of military men, and he pointed to Kuzma Minin. It was decided not to limit ourselves to voluntary donations, but to introduce a “fifth money” collection.

To evaluate every fifth part of all property, experienced appraisers were elected, who did not give anyone any benefits or deferments. Even the church and monastery treasury was used. If anyone did not give his property, it was taken from him by force. The very poor were given into bondage to those who could pay for them. Such cruel measures were justified by extraordinary circumstances that threatened the existence of the Moscow state.

After Prince Pozharsky arrived in Nizhny Novgorod, messengers were sent to all regions with letters calling for support for the people of Nizhny Novgorod. From Nizhny Novgorod the militia moved up the Volga. Along the way, Minin collected money from the Volga cities. Militias from other cities joined Pozharsky’s army. In Kostroma, the militia met resistance from the governor Ivan Sheremetev, who was loyal to Vladislav, who was there, but the residents handed him over to Pozharsky, and they themselves joined the militia.

By the spring of 1612, the Russian army arrived in Yaroslavl, where it stopped for rest and replenishment. Here the Council of the Whole Land was created, headed by Prince Pozharsky. From the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, Pozharsky was sent news that encouraged him to quickly move towards Moscow. It became obvious that the Polish garrison located in the Kremlin was small in number and had a severe shortage of provisions. At the same time, Trubetskoy broke off relations with Zarutsky and began to rush Pozharsky to go to Moscow. Zarutsky had to flee from near Moscow to Kolomna, where Marina Mnishek was located. Most of the Cossacks remained with Trubetskoy.

Pozharsky did not trust Trubetskoy and therefore was in no hurry to march on Moscow, but only sent separate detachments to it. But having learned that the Polish hetman Khodkevich was coming to Moscow with an army. Minin insisted on accelerating the march. On August 20, 1612, the militia approached Moscow.

On August 22, the approach of Khodkiewicz’s army was noticed from the western side. They went with him to Moscow big number carts with food for the Kremlin garrison. Having crossed the Moscow River, the Poles threw back the Moscow cavalry, which was guarding the crossing. At the same time, a sortie was made from the Kremlin. The rear of the militia was under threat of attack, but Trubetskoy’s Cossacks were in no hurry to help him, and the militia managed on their own. Khodkevich stopped crossing and stopped at the Donskoy Monastery.

Throughout the next day, both sides prepared for the decisive battle. Khodkevich decided to break through to the Kremlin through Zamoskvorechye. He managed to reach Pyatnitskaya Street, but here he met staunch resistance from Trubetskoy’s Cossacks. At the same time, Minin, together with two hundred militiamen, struck Khodkevich in the rear and inflicted a terrible defeat on him.

By noon, the Cossacks fighting in Zamoskvorechye managed to repel the enemy and capture most of the food carts. Realizing that it would not be possible to deliver food to the Kremlin, Khodkevich turned around the remaining convoys and left Moscow.

Having won the victory, Pozharsky made peace with Trubetskoy and decided to begin joint actions to besiege the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod, where the enemy garrison still remained.

On September 15, Pozharsky sent a letter to the Poles in which he offered to capitulate, promising to freely release them to their homeland. But those who were confident in Khodkevich’s imminent return rejected this proposal. However, weeks passed and the hetman was still missing. Famine began among the garrison, and even cases of cannibalism were observed.

On October 22, Trubetskoy’s Cossacks managed to take Kitay-Gorod, which the Poles were no longer able to defend. Now the garrison was located only in the Kremlin. Minin and Pozharsky promised that no offense would be caused to any Pole. On October 24, the garrison through the Trinity Gate began to release Russian people who were sitting under siege with the Poles. Despite the fact that the Cossacks shouted that they needed to be killed as traitors, the militia did not allow this, threatening to use force to protect them.

On October 25, the militia entered the Kremlin. The garrison laid down their arms and were sent to the Russian camp. But the Cossacks broke their word and killed many prisoners. The survivors were sent to Russian cities.

In November, Sigismund III with a small army approached Volokolamsk and tried to persuade the Muscovites to recognize Vladislav as king. However, now in Moscow they did not want to hear about him. The king did not even manage to take Volokolamsk, and he left for Poland.

On December 21, 1612, letters sent to cities notified of the liberation of Moscow. They contained an invitation to convene elected people to Moscow to elect a sovereign.

A three-day strict fast was established throughout the land and prayer services were served. The proposal to elect a Swedish prince as king, and also to return the royal crown to Vasily Shuisky, was rejected.

Most of the nobles and children of the boyars, as well as townspeople and Cossacks, spoke out in favor of the election of Mikhail Romanov as Tsar. This was largely explained by the memory of the first wife of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, the sister of Mikhail’s grandfather Anastasia, about whom the people had good memories, and the persecution to which Mikhail’s father Fyodor (Filaret) was subjected under Tsar Boris Godunov and the Poles.

In January 1613, elected people gathered on Red Square and, after fierce debate, elected Michael as Tsar. An oath was taken to the new king from all classes. From the Zemsky Sobor, an embassy went to Kostroma, to the Ipatiev Monastery, where the Romanov family was located, with an invitation to the kingdom.

At first, both Mikhail and his mother, nun Martha, refused this honor, speaking of the cowardice shown by people in last years the ruin of the Russian land and the poverty of the royal treasury. Finally, Martha said that Mikhail’s father was in Polish captivity, being a kind of hostage and exposed to the constant threat of death. But the ambassadors explained that the election of Michael differed from the election of previous kings primarily in that it was a unanimous election by the whole earth according to the will of God. And if Michael refuses the role assigned to him, then God himself will be exacted from him.

Then Martha blessed her son for the kingdom, and on July 11, 1613, the new king was crowned with the cap of Monomakh, becoming the founder of a new dynasty - the Romanovs.

After the election of Mikhail Romanov as Tsar, the country finally found a legitimate monarch. But in the first years of his reign he had to actively deal with the consequences of the Troubles.

The last period of the Troubles was characterized by the partisan struggle of the peasants against any military formations(mainly Cossacks), who replenished their supplies at the expense of peasant farms. This struggle manifested itself most clearly in the north after 1614. From here they “knocked out” not only Cossacks or Poles, but also government tax collectors who robbed the population.

Even more dangerous for the new Moscow government were the Cossack detachments. In 1612-1618. There were about ten major uprisings of the Cossacks. The government of the young king managed to cope with the Cossack uprisings. Many participants in the suppression of these uprisings were granted lands and titles of nobles.

The most important task of the government of Mikhail Romanov was the conclusion of peace treaties with Sweden (the Peace of Stolbovsky) and Poland, which were extremely disadvantageous for Russia, but still provided the necessary respite after the period of Troubles.

One of the turning points national history we can confidently call the liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1612. It was then that it was decided whether to be or not to be To the Russian state. It is difficult to overestimate the significance of this date for future generations. Let's take another look at this an important event after many centuries, we will also find out what the military leader did during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles to achieve success.

Background

But first, let's find out what events preceded the liberation of Moscow from the Poles.

The confrontation between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which is actually a federation of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, with the Russian state began during the time of Ivan the Terrible. Then, in 1558, the famous Livonian War broke out, with the goal of gaining control over the Baltic lands. In 1583, the war ended with the signing of peace, which turned out to be quite unfavorable for Rus'. But in general, this world of contradictions between the Russian kingdom and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth did not resolve.

After the death of Ivan the Terrible in 1584, the Russian throne was taken by his son, Fedor. He was a rather weak and sickly man, under whom the royal power weakened significantly. He died in 1598, leaving no heirs. The brother of Fedor's wife, boyar Boris Godunov, came to power. This event had rather disastrous consequences for Rus', since the Rurik dynasty, which ruled the state for more than seven hundred years, was cut short.

Within the Russian kingdom, there was growing dissatisfaction with the policies of Boris Godunov, whom many considered an impostor who had illegally seized power and at one time, according to rumors, ordered the murder of the rightful heir of Ivan the Terrible.

This tense situation within the country contributed very opportunely to the possibility of foreign intervention.

Impostors

The ruling elite of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth understood perfectly well that its main external rival was Russian kingdom. Therefore, the fall served as a kind of signal for the beginning of preparations for the invasion.

However, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth itself was not ready for open war, so for its intrigues it used the impostor Grigory Otrepyev, who pretended to be Dmitry, the son of Ivan the Terrible who died in childhood (according to another version, he was killed on the orders of Boris Godunov), for which he received the nickname - False Dmitry.

The army of False Dmitry was recruited with the support of Polish and Lithuanian magnates, but was not officially supported by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. She invaded the territory of Rus' in 1604. Soon, Tsar Boris Godunov died, and his sixteen-year-old son Fedor was unable to organize a defense. Grigory Otrepyev captured Moscow in 1605, and he proclaimed himself Tsar Dmitry I. However, already in next year he was killed in the coup. At the same time, a significant part of the Poles who arrived with him were killed.

Vasily Shuisky, who was a representative of a side branch of the Rurikovichs, became the new Russian Tsar. But a significant part of the population of Rus' did not recognize him as a real ruler.

In 1607, a new impostor appeared on the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, whose real name is unknown. He went down in history as False Dmitry II. He was supported by magnates who had previously started a rebellion against the Polish king Sigismund III, but lost. The impostor's headquarters became the town of Tushin, which is why False Dmitry II received the nickname Tushinsky thief. His army defeated Shuisky's army and besieged Moscow.

Vasily Shuisky tried to negotiate with him to recall his subjects. But he had no real leverage, and he didn’t want to. Then the Russian Tsar entered into an alliance with the Swedes. This alliance assumed Swedish assistance against False Dmitry II on the terms of the transfer of a number of Russian cities to Sweden, as well as the conclusion of an alliance against Poland.

Prerequisites for open Polish intervention

The main pretext for the start of the Polish intervention was the Russian-Swedish alliance. This gave the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth a formal pretext to declare war on Rus', because one of the goals of the alliance was precisely confrontation with Poland.

In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth itself at that time there was a strengthening of royal power. This was due to the fact that by 1609 King Sigismund III had suppressed the uprising of the dissatisfied gentry, which lasted three years. Now there is an opportunity for external expansion.

In addition, Russian-Polish contradictions have not gone away since the Livonian War, and hidden Polish intervention in the form of unofficial support for impostors did not give the expected result.

These factors served as the impetus for the decision to openly invade the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth troops into the territory of the Russian state in order to bring it under its full control. It was they who launched a chain of events, the links of which were the capture of the capital of Rus' by the Polish-Lithuanian army, and then the liberation of Moscow from the Poles.

Capture of Moscow by the Poles

In the fall of 1609, the Polish army, led by Hetman Stanislav Zholkiewski, invaded the territory of Rus' and besieged Smolensk. In the summer of 1610, they defeated Russian-Swedish troops in the decisive battle near Klushino and approached Moscow. On the other hand, Moscow was besieged by the army of False Dmitry II.

Meanwhile, the boyars overthrew Vasily Shuisky and imprisoned him in a monastery. They established a regime that is known as the Seven Boyars. But the boyars who usurped power were unpopular among the people. They could really only control Moscow. Fearing that the more popular False Dmitry II might seize power, the boyars colluded with the Poles.

By agreement, the son of Sigismund III Vladislav became the Russian Tsar, but at the same time converted to Orthodoxy. In the fall of 1610, the Polish army entered Moscow.

First militia

Thus, the capital of Rus' was captured by the Poles. From the first days of their stay, they began to commit outrages, which naturally caused displeasure among the local population. Hetman Zholkiewski left Moscow, and left Alexander Gonsevski in charge of the Polish garrison in the city.

At the beginning of 1611, under the leadership of Prince D. Trubetskoy, I. Zarutsky and P. Lyapunov, the so-called First Militia was formed. His goal was to begin the liberation of Moscow from the Poles. The main force of this army were the Ryazan nobles and Tushino Cossacks.

The army approached Moscow. At the same time, an uprising against the occupiers took place in the city, in which Dmitry Pozharsky, the future military commander during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, played a prominent role.

At this time, the militia managed to occupy Kitai-Gorod, but disagreements within it led to the murder of one of the leaders, Prokopiy Lyapunov. As a result, the militia actually disintegrated. The goal of the campaign was not achieved, and the liberation of Moscow from the Poles never took place.

Formation of the Second Militia

The year 1612 arrived. The liberation of Moscow from the Poles became the goal of the emerging Second Militia. The initiative for its creation came from the trade and craft class of Nizhny Novgorod, which suffered great oppression and losses during the Polish occupation. The people of Nizhny Novgorod did not recognize the authority of either False Dmitry II or Vladislav Zhigmontovich, the Prince of Poland.

One of the leading roles in the creation of the Second People's Militia was played by Kuzma Minin, who held the post zemstvo elder. He called on the people to unite in the fight against the occupiers. In the future, he became famous as a military leader during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles and as a national hero. And then he was a simple artisan who managed to unite the masses of people who flocked to his call in Nizhny Novgorod from other parts of Rus'.

Among those who arrived was Prince Dmitry Pozharsky, another man who gained fame as a military leader during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1612. He was called civil uprising at a general meeting, asking Prince Pozharsky to lead the people in the fight against the interventionists. The prince could not refuse this request and added his own people to the army that began to form under the leadership of Minin.

The core of the militia consisted of the Nizhny Novgorod garrison of 750 people, but servicemen from Arzamas, Vyazma, Dorogobuzh and other cities responded to the call. It is impossible not to note the high abilities of Minin and Pozharsky in leading the formation of the army and in coordination with other cities of Russia. In essence, they formed a body that performs the role of government.

Later, during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, the Second People's Militia, when it had already approached the capital, was replenished with some groups from the disintegrated First Militia.

Thus, under the leadership of Minin and Pozharsky, a significant force was formed that was capable of successfully resisting the interventionists. Thus began the liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1612.

Personality of Dmitry Pozharsky

Now let's take a closer look at the personality of the man who became famous as a military leader during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles. It was Dmitry Pozharsky who, at the behest of the people, became the main leader of the militia, and he deservedly owns a significant part of the contribution to this glorious victory. Who was he?

Dmitry Pozharsky belonged to an ancient princely family, which was a side branch of the Rurikovichs along the Starodub line. He was born in 1578, that is, at the time of the formation of the militia in the fall of 1611, he was about 33 years old. The father was Prince Pozharsky, and the mother was Maria Fedorovna Berseneva-Beklemisheva, on whose estate, given as a dowry, Dmitry was born.

On public service Dmitry Pozharsky entered during the reign of Boris Godunov. The future military leader, who commanded during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, under Tsar Vasily Shuisky led one of the detachments that opposed the army of False Dmitry II. Then he received the post of Zaraisk voivode.

Later, as mentioned above, Pozharsky was involved in organizing an uprising against the Poles in Moscow during the existence of the First People's Militia.

Naturally, a person who fought so stubbornly against foreign intervention could not help but respond to Kuzma Minin’s call. Not the least role in the fact that it was Dmitry Pozharsky who led the militia was played by the fact that he had an estate near Nizhny Novgorod, that is, the Nizhny Novgorod residents, who made up the backbone of the army, considered it theirs.

This was the man who led the militia during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles.

March on Moscow

We figured out who was in command during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, now let's dwell on the vicissitudes of the campaign itself.

The militia moved at the end of February 1612 from Nizhny Novgorod up the Volga towards Moscow. As he progressed, new people joined him. Majority settlements The militias were greeted with joy, and where local authorities tried to resist, as was the case in Kostroma, they were removed and replaced by people loyal to the Russian army.

In April 1612, the militia entered Yaroslavl, where they stayed almost until August 1612. Thus, Yaroslavl became the temporary capital. This period of development liberation movement adopted the name “Standing in Yaroslavl”.

Having learned that the army of Hetman Khodkevich was approaching Moscow to ensure its defense, Pozharsky at the end of July promptly sent several detachments from Yaroslavl, which approached directly to the capital, and in mid-August all militia forces were concentrated near Moscow.

Strengths of the parties

It became clear to everyone that a decisive battle was ahead. What was the number of troops on the warring sides and their deployment?

The total number of troops that were subordinate to Dmitry Pozharsky, according to sources, did not exceed eight thousand people. The backbone of this army were Cossack detachments numbering 4,000 people and one thousand archers. In addition to Pozharsky and Minin, the commanders of the militia were Dmitry Pozharsky-Lopata (a relative of the chief governor) and Ivan Khovansky-Bolshoy. Only the last of them at one time commanded significant military formations. The rest either, like Dmitry Pozharsky, had to command relatively small detachments, or had no leadership experience at all, like Pozharsky-Lopata.

Dmitry Trubetskoy, one of the leaders of the First Militia, brought with him another 2,500 Cossacks. Although he agreed to help common cause, but at the same time retained the right not to carry out Pozharsky’s orders. Thus, total number The Russian army was 9,500-10,000 people.

Number Polish troops Hetman Khodkevich, approaching Moscow from the western side, numbered 12,000 people. The main force in it were the Zaporozhye Cossacks, numbering 8,000 soldiers under the command of Alexander Zborovsky. The most combat-ready part of the army was the hetman's personal detachment of 2,000 people.

The commanders of the Polish army - Chodkiewicz and Zborowski - had significant military experience. In particular, Chodkiewicz distinguished himself in suppressing the recent uprising of the gentry, as well as in the war with Sweden. Among other commanders, Nevyarovsky, Graevsky and Koretsky should be noted.

In addition to the 12,000 soldiers whom Chodkiewicz brought with him, there was also a three-thousand-strong Polish garrison in the Moscow Kremlin. It was led by Nikolai Strus and Joseph Budilo. These were also experienced warriors, but without any special military talents.

Thus, the total number of the Polish army reached 15,000 people.

The Russian militia was located near the walls of the White City, located between the Polish garrison entrenched in the Kremlin and Khodkiewicz’s troops, as if between a hammer and an anvil. Their numbers were smaller than those of the Poles, and the commanders did not have as much military experience. It seemed that the fate of the militia was predetermined.

Battle for Moscow

So, in August the battle began, the result of which was the liberation of Moscow from the Poles. The year of this battle will forever go down in Russian history.

The troops of Hetman Khodkevich were the first to attack, having crossed the Moscow River, they went to the gates of the Novodevichy Convent, where militia detachments were concentrated. A horse fight ensued. The Polish garrison attempted forays from its fortification, while Prince Trubetskoy waited and did not rush to help Pozharsky. It must be said that the military commander commanded quite wisely during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, which did not allow initial stage the enemy to crush the positions of the militia. Khodkevich had to retreat.

After this, Pozharsky changed the deployment of troops, moving to Zamoskvorechye. Decisive Battle occurred on August 24. Hetman Khodkevich again threw his troops into the attack, hoping to crush the smaller militia. But it didn't work out the way he expected. The Russian troops stood firm, and Trubetskoy’s troops finally entered the battle.

Exhausted opponents decided to take a break. By evening the militia launched a counter-offensive. They crushed the enemy's positions and forced him to retreat to the city of Mozhaisk. Seeing this, the Polish garrison was forced to surrender to the militia. Thus ended the liberation of Moscow from foreign invaders.

Consequences

The liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1612 was a turning point in the whole Russian-Polish War. True, hostilities continued for quite a long time.

In the spring of 1613, a representative of the new Romanov dynasty, Mikhail Fedorovich, was installed as king. This served to significantly strengthen Russian statehood.

At the end of 1618, a treaty was finally concluded between the Russians and the Poles. As a result of this truce, Russia was forced to give up significant territories to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but retained the main thing - its statehood. In the future, this helped her recapture lost lands and even participate in the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth itself.

The meaning of the liberation of Moscow

It is difficult to overestimate the significance of the liberation of the Russian capital for Russian history. This event made it possible to preserve Russian statehood in the difficult struggle against the invaders. Therefore, the battle of Moscow is included in all textbooks on Russian history and is one of the significant dates.

We also remember the leaders of the Second Militia - Prince Pozharsky and Kuzma Minin, who have long had the status folk heroes. Holidays are dedicated to them, monuments are erected, and memory is honored.